Martin Brown Ruud - An Essay Toward a History of Shakespeare in Norway

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The University of Chicago

AN ESSAY TOWARD A HISTORY
OF SHAKESPEARE IN
NORWAY

A Dissertation

Submitted to the Faculty
of the Graduate School of Arts and Literature
in Candidacy for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Germanics and English
by

MARTIN BROWN RUUD

Reprint from
Scandinavian Studies and Notes
Urbana, Illinois
1917

The Collegiate Press
George Banta Publishing Company
Menasha, Wisconsin

* * * * *

PREFATORY NOTE

I have attempted in this study to trace the history of Shakespearean
translations, Shakespearean criticism, and the performances of
Shakespeare's plays in Norway. I have not attempted to investigate
Shakespeare's influence on Norwegian literature. To do so would not,
perhaps, be entirely fruitless, but it would constitute a different
kind of work.

The investigation was made possible by a fellowship from the University
of Chicago and a scholarship from the American-Scandinavian Foundation,
and I am glad to express my gratitude to these bodies for the
opportunities given to me of study in the Scandinavian countries.
I am indebted for special help and encouragement to Dr. C.N. Gould
and Professor J.M. Manly, of the University of Chicago, and to the
authorities of the University library in Kristiania for their unfailing
courtesy. To my wife, who has worked with me throughout, my obligations
are greater than I can express.

It is my plan to follow this monograph with a second on the history of
Shakespeare in Denmark.

M.B.R.

Minneapolis, Minnesota.
September, 1916.

CHAPTER I

Shakespeare Translations In Norway

A

In the years following 1750, there was gathered in the city of Trondhjem
a remarkable group of men: Nils Krog Bredal, composer of the first
Danish opera, John Gunnerus, theologian and biologist, Gerhart Schoning,
rector of the Cathedral School and author of an elaborate history of the
fatherland, and Peter Suhm, whose 14,047 pages on the history of Denmark
testify to a learning, an industry, and a generous devotion to
scholarship which few have rivalled. Bredal was mayor (Borgermester),
Gunnerus was bishop, Schoning was rector, and Suhm was for the moment
merely the husband of a rich and unsympathetic wife. But they were
united in their interest in serious studies, and in 1760, the last
three--somewhat before Bredal's arrival--founded "Videnskabsselkabet i
Trondhjem." A few years later the society received its charter as "Det
Kongelige Videnskabsselskab."

A little provincial scientific body! Of what moment is it? But in those
days it was of moment. Norway was then and long afterwards the political
and intellectual dependency of Denmark. For three hundred years she had
been governed more or less effectively from Copenhagen, and for two
hundred years Danish had supplanted Norwegian as the language of church
and state, of trade, and of higher social intercourse. The country had
no university; Norwegians were compelled to go to Copenhagen for their
degrees and there loaf about in the anterooms of ministers waiting for
preferment. Videnskabsselskabet was the first tangible evidence of
awakened national life, and we are not surprised to find that it was in
this circle that the demand for a separate Norwegian university was
first authoritatively presented. Again, a little group of periodicals
sprang up in which were discussed, learnedly and pedantically, to be
sure, but with keen intelligence, the questions that were interesting
the great world outside. It is dreary business ploughing through these
solemn, badly printed octavos and quartos. Of a sudden, however, one
comes upon the first, and for thirty-six years the only Norwegian
translation of Shakespeare.

We find it in _Trondhjems Allehaande_ for October 23, 1782--the third
and last volume. The translator has hit upon Antony's funeral oration
and introduces it with a short note:[1] "The following is taken from
the famous English play _Julius Caesar_ and may be regarded as a
masterpiece. When Julius Caesar was killed, Antonius secured permission
from Brutus and the other conspirators to speak at his funeral. The
people, whose minds were full of the prosperity to come, were satisfied
with Caesar's murder and regarded the murderers as benefactors. Antonius
spoke so as to turn their minds from rejoicing to regret at a great
man's untimely death and so as to justify himself and win the hearts of
the populace. And in what a masterly way Antonius won them! We shall
render, along with the oration, the interjected remarks of the crowd,
inasmuch as they too are evidences of Shakespeare's understanding of
the human soul and his realization of the manner in which the oration
gradually brought about the purpose toward which he aimed:"

[1. It has been thought best to give such citations for the most
part in translation.]

Antonius:
Venner, Medborgere, giver mig Gehor, jeg kommer for at jorde Caesars
Legeme, ikke for at rose ham. Det Onde man gjor lever endnu efter
os; det Gode begraves ofte tilligemed vore Been. Saa Vaere det ogsaa
med Caesar. Den aedle Brutus har sagt Eder, Caesar var herskesyg. Var
han det saa var det en svaer Forseelse: og Caesar har ogsaa dyrt
maattet bode derfor. Efter Brutus og de Ovriges Tilladelse--og
Brutus er en hederlig Mand, og det er de alle, lutter hederlige
Maend, kommer jeg hid for at holde Caesars Ligtale. Han var min Ven,
trofast og oprigtig mod mig! dog, Brutus siger, han var herskesyg,
og Brutus er en hederlig Mand. Han har bragt mange Fanger med til
Rom, hvis Losepenge formerede de offentlige Skatter; synes Eder det
herskesygt af Caesar--naar de Arme skreeg, saa graed Caesar--Herskesyge
maate dog vel vaeves af staerkere Stof.--Dog Brutus siger han var
herskesyg; og Brutus er en hederlig Mand. I have alle seet at jeg
paa Pans Fest tre Gange tilbod ham en kongelig Krone, og at han tre
Gange afslog den. Var det herskesygt?--Dog Brutus siger han var
herskesyg, og i Sandhed, han er en hederlig Mand. Jeg taler ikke for
at gjendrive det, som Brutus har sagt; men jeg staar her, for at
sige hvad jeg veed. I alle elskede ham engang, uden Aarsag; hvad for
en Aarsag afholder Eder fra at sorge over ham? O! Fornuft! Du er
flyed hen til de umaelende Baester, og Menneskene have tabt deres
Forstand. Haver Taalmodighed med mig; mit Hjerte er hist i Kisten
hos Caesar, og jeg maa holde inde til det kommer tilbage til mig.

Den Forste af Folket:
Mig synes der er megen Fornuft i hans Tale.

Den Anden af Folket:
Naar du ret overveier Sagen, saa er Caesar skeet stor Uret.

Den Tredje:
Mener I det, godt Folk? Jeg frygter der vil komme slemmere i hans
Sted.

Den Fjerde:
Har I lagt Maerke til hvad han sagde? Han vilde ikke modtage Kronen,
det er altsaa vist at han ikke var herskesyg.

Den Forste:
Hvis saa er, vil det komme visse Folk dyrt at staae.

Den Anden:
Den fromme Mand! Hans Oien er blodrode af Graad.

Den Tredje:
Der er ingen fortraeffeligere Mand i Rom end Antonius.

Den Fjerde:
Giver Agt, han begynder igjen at tale.

Antonius:
Endnu i Gaar havde et Ord af Caesar gjaeldt imod hele Verden, nu
ligger han der, endog den Usleste naegter ham Agtelse. O, I Folk!
var jeg sindet, at ophidse Eders Gemytter til Raserie og Opror, saa
skulde jeg skade Brutus og Kassius, hvilke, som I alle veed, ere
hederlige Maend. Men jeg vil intet Ondt gjore dem: hellere vil jeg
gjore den Dode, mig selv, og Eder Uret, end at jeg skulde volde
slige hederlige Maend Fortraed. Men her er et Pergament med Caesars
Segl: jeg fandt det i hans Kammer; det er hans sidste Villie. Lad
Folket blot hore hans Testament, som jeg, tilgiv mig det, ikke
taenker at oplaese, da skulde de alle gaa hen og kysse den dode Caesars
Saar; og dyppe deres Klaeder i hans hellige Blod; skulde bede om et
Haar af ham til Erindring, og paa deres Dodsdag i deres sidste
Villie taenke paa dette Haar, og testamentere deres Efterkommere
det som en rig Arvedel.

Den Fjerde:
Vi ville hore Testamentet! Laes det, Marcus Antonius.

Antonius:
Haver Taalmodighed, mine Venner: jeg tor ikke forelaese det; deter
ikke raadeligt, at I erfare hvor kjaer Caesar havde Eder. I ere ikke
Traee, I ere ikke Stene, I ere Mennesker; og da I ere Mennesker saa
skulde Testamentet, om I horte det, saette Eder i Flamme, det skulde
gjore Eder rasende. Det er godt at I ikke vide, at I ere hans
Arvinger; thi vidste I det, O, hvad vilde der da blive af?

Den fjerde:
Laes Testamentet; vi ville hore det, Antonius! Du maae laese
Testamentet for os, Caesars Testament!

Antonius:
Ville i vaere rolige? Ville I bie lidt? Jeg er gaaen for vidt at jeg
har sagt Eder noget derom--jeg frygter jeg fornaermer de hederlige
Maend, som have myrdet Caesar--jeg befrygter det.

Den Fjerde:
De vare Forraedere!--ha, hederlige Maend!

The translation continues to the point where the plebeians, roused to
fury by the cunning appeal of Antony, rush out with the cries:[2]

2. Pleb:
Go fetch fire!

3. Pleb:
Plucke down Benches!

2. Pleb:
Plucke down Formes, Windowes, anything.

[2. _Julius Caesar_. III, 2. 268-70. Variorum Edition Furness.
Phila. 1913.]

But we have not space for a more extended quotation, and the passage
given is sufficiently representative.

The faults are obvious. The translator has not ventured to reproduce
Shakespeare's blank verse, nor, indeed, could that be expected. The
Alexandrine had long held sway in Danish poetry. In _Rolf Krage_ (1770),
Ewald had broken with the tradition and written an heroic tragedy in
prose. Unquestionably he had been moved to take this step by the example
of his great model Klopstock in _Bardiete_.[3] It seems equally certain,
however, that he was also inspired by the plays of Shakespeare, and the
songs of Ossian, which came to him in the translations of Wieland.[4]

[3. Ronning--_Rationalismens Tidsalder_. 11-95.]

[4. Ewald--_Levnet og meninger_. Ed. Bobe. Kbhn. 1911, p. 166.]

A few years later, when he had learned English and read Shakespeare
in the original, he wrote _Balders Dod_ in blank verse and
naturalized Shakespeare's metre in Denmark.[5] At any rate, it
is not surprising that this unknown plodder far north in Trondhjem
had not progressed beyond Klopstock and Ewald. But the result of
turning Shakespeare's poetry into the journeyman prose of a foreign
language is necessarily bad. The translation before us amounts to a
paraphrase,--good, respectable Danish untouched by genius. Two
examples will illustrate this. The lines:

.... Now lies he there,
And none so poor to do him reverence.

[5. _Ibid._ II, 234-235.]

are rendered in the thoroughly matter-of-fact words, appropriate for a
letter or a newspaper "story":

.... Nu ligger han der,
endog den Usleste naegter ham Agtelse.

Again,

I have o'ershot myself to tell you of it,

is translated:

Jeg er gaaen for vidt at jeg sagde Eder noget derom.

On the other hand, the translation presents no glaring errors; such
slips as we do find are due rather to ineptitude, an inability to
find the right word, with the result that the writer has contented
himself with an accidental and approximate rendering. For example,
the translator no doubt understood the lines:

The evil that men do lives after them,
The good is oft interred with their bones.

but he could hit upon nothing better than:

Det Onde man gjor _lever endnu efter os_;
det Gode begraves ofte tilligemed vore Been.

which is both inaccurate and infelicitous. For the line

He was my friend, faithful and just to me.

our author has:

Han var min Ven, trofast og _oprigtig_ mod mig!

Again:

Has he, Masters? I fear there will come a worse in his place.

Translation:

Mener I det, godt Folk?--etc.

Despite these faults--and many others could be cited,--it is perfectly
clear that this unknown student of Shakespeare understood his original
and endeavored to reproduce it correctly in good Danish. His very
blunders showed that he tried not to be slavish, and his style, while
not remarkable, is easy and fluent. Apparently, however, his work
attracted no attention. His name is unknown, as are his sources, and
there is not, with one exception, a single reference to him in the later
Shakespeare literature of Denmark and Norway. Not even Rahbek, who was
remarkably well informed in this field, mentions him. Only Foersom,[6]
who let nothing referring to Shakespeare escape him, speaks (in the
notes to Part I of his translation) of a part of Act III of _Julius
Caesar_ in _Trondhjems Allehaande_. That is all. It it not too much to
emphasize, therefore, that we have here the first Danish version of any
part of _Julius Caesar_ as well as the first Norwegian translation of
any part of Shakespeare into what was then the common literary language
of Denmark and Norway.[7]

[6. _William Shakespeares Tragiske Vaerker--Forste Deel._ Khbn.
1807. Notes at the back of the volume.]

[7. By way of background, a bare enumeration of the early Danish
translations of Shakespeare is here given.

1777. _Hamlet_. Translated by Johannes Boye.

1790. _Macbeth_. Translated by Nils Rosenfeldt.
_Othello_. Translated by Nils Rosenfeldt.
_All's Well that Ends Well_. Translated by Nils Rosenfeldt.

1792. _King Lear_. Translated by Nils Rosenfeldt.
_Cymbeline_. Translated by Nils Rosenfeldt.
_The Merchant of Venice_. Translated by Nils Rosenfeldt.

1794. _King Lear_. Nahum Tate's stage version. Translated by Hans
Wilhelm Riber.

1796. _Two Speeches._--To be or not to be--_(Hamlet.)_
Is this a dagger--_(Macbeth.)_
Translated by Malthe Conrad Brun in _Svada_.

1800. Act III, Sc. 2 of _Julius Caesar_. Translated by Knut Lyhne
Rahbek in _Minerva_.

1801. _Macbeth_. Translated by Levin Sander and K.L. Rahbek. Not
published till 1804.

1804. Act V of _Julius Caesar_. Translated by P.F. Foersom in
_Minerva_.

1805. Act IV Sc. 3 of _Love's Labour Lost_. Translated by P.F.
Foersom in _Nytaarsgave for Skuespilyndere._

1807. Hamlet's speech to the players. Translated by P.F. Foersom
in _Nytaarsgave for Skuespilyndere_.

It may be added that in 1807 appeared the first volume of
Foersom's translation of Shakespeare's tragedies, and after 1807
the history of Shakespeare in Denmark is more complicated. With
these matters I shall deal at length in another study.]

B

It was many years before the anonymous contributor to _Trondhjems
Allehaande_ was to have a follower. From 1782 to 1807 Norwegians were
engaged in accumulating wealth, an occupation, indeed, in which they
were remarkably successful. There was no time to meddle with Shakespeare
in a day when Norwegian shipping and Norwegian products were profitable
as never before. After 1807, when the blundering panic of the British
plunged Denmark and Norway into war on the side of Napoleon, there were
sterner things to think of. It was a sufficiently difficult matter to
get daily bread. But in 1818, when the country had, as yet, scarcely
begun to recover from the agony of the Napoleonic wars, the second
Norwegian translation from Shakespeare appeared.[8]

[8. _Coriolanus, efter Shakespeare_. Christiania. 1818.]

The translator of this version of _Coriolanus_ is unknown. Beyond the
bare statement on the title page that the translation is made directly
from Shakespeare and that it is printed and published in Christiania by
Jacob Lehmann, there is no information to be had. Following the title
there is a brief quotation from Dr. Johnson and one from the "Zeitung
fuer die elegante Welt." Again Norway anticipates her sister nation; for
not till the following year did Denmark get her first translation of the
play.[9]

[9. The first Danish translation of Coriolanus by P.F. Wulff
appeared in 1819.]

Ewald, Oehlenschlaeger, and Foersom had by this time made the blank verse
of Shakespeare a commonplace in Dano-Norwegian literature. Even the
mediocre could attempt it with reasonable assurance of success. The
_Coriolanus_ of 1818 is fairly correct, but its lumbering verse reveals
plainly that the translator had trouble with his metre. Two or three
examples will illustrate. First, the famous allegory of Menenius:[10]

_Menenius:_
I enten maae erkjende at I ere
Heel ondskabsfulde, eller taale, man
For Uforstandighed anklager Eder.
Et snurrigt Eventyr jeg vil fortaelle;
Maaskee I har det hort, men da det tjener
Just til min Hensigt, jeg forsoge vil
Noiagtigen det Eder at forklare.
. . . . .
Jeg Eder det fortaelle skal; med et
Slags Smil, der sig fra Lungen ikke skrev;
Omtrent saaledes--thi I vide maae
Naar jeg kan lade Maven tale, jeg
Den og kan lade smile--stikende
Den svarede hvert misfornoiet Lem
Og hver Rebel, som den misundte al
Sin Indtaegt; Saa misunde I Senatet
Fordi det ikke er det som I ere.

_Forste Borger_:
Hvorledes. Det var Mavens Svar! Hvorledes?
Og Hovedet, der kongeligt er kronet,
Og Oiet, der er blot Aarvaagenhed;
Og Hjertet, som os giver gode Raad;
Og Tungen, vor Trumpet, vor Stridsmand, Armen,
Og Foden, vores Pragthest, med de flere
Befaestingner, der stotte vor Maskine,
Hvis de nu skulde....

_Menenius_:
Nu hvad skulde de?...
Den Karl mig lader ei til Orde komme,
Hvad vil I sigte med det _hvis de skulde?_

_Forste Borger_:
Hvis de nu skulde sig betvinge lade
Ved denne Slughals Maven som blot er
En Aflobs-Rende for vort Legeme?

_Menenius_:
Nu videre!

_Forste Borger_:
Hvad vilde Maven svare?
Hvis hine Handlende med Klage fremstod?

_Menenius_:
Hvis I mig skjaenke vil det som I have
Kun lidet af, Taalmodighed, jeg mener,
Jeg Eder Mavens Svar da skal fortaelle.

_Forste Borger_:
I! Den Fortaelling ret i Langdrag traekker!

_Menenius_:
Min gode Ven, nu allerforst bemaerke.
Agtvaerdig Mave brugte Overlaeg;
Ei ubetaenksom den sig overiled
Som dens Modstandere; og saa lod Svaret:
I Venner som fra mig ei skilles kan!
Det Sandhed er, at jeg fra forste Haand
Modtager Naeringen som Eder foder,
Og dette i sin Orden er, thi jeg
Et Varelager og et Forraads-Kammer
Jo er for Legemet; men ei I glemme:
Jeg Naeringen igjennem Blodets Floder
Og sender lige hen til Hoffet-Hjertet--
Til Hjernens Saede; jeg den flyde lader
Igjennem Menneskets meest fine Dele;
Og de meest fast Nerver, som de mindste
Blandt Aarene fra mig modtager hver
Naturlig Kraft, hvormed de leve, og
Endskjondt de ikke alle paa eengang--
I gode Venner (det var Mavens Ord)
Og maerker dem heel noie....

_Forste Borger_:
Det vil vi gjore.

_Menenius_:
Endskjondt de ikke alle kunde see,
Hvad jeg tilflyde lader hver isaer,
Saa kan jeg dog med gyldigt Dokument
Bevise at jeg overlader dem
Den rene Kjaerne, selv beholder Kliddet.
Hvad siger I dertil?

_Forste Borger_:
Et svar det var--
Men nu Andvendelsen!

_Menenius_:
Senatet er
Den gode Mave: I Rebellerne.
I undersoge blot de Raad det giver
Og alt dets Omhue. Overveier noie
Alt hvad til Statens Velferd monne sigte,
Og da I finde vil, at fra Senatet
Hver offentlig Velgjerning som I nyde
Sit Udspring bar, men ei fra Eder selv--
Hvad taenker I, som er den store Taae
Her i Forsamlingen?

[10. _Coriolanus_--Malone's ed. London. 1790. Vol. 7, pp. 148 ff.]

Aside from the preponderance of feminine endings, which is inevitable
in Scandinavian blank verse, what strikes us most in this translation
is its laboriousness. The language is set on end. Inversion and
transposition are the devices by which the translator has managed to
give Shakespeare in metrically decent lines. The proof of this is so
patent that I need scarcely point out instances. But take the first
seven lines of the quotation. Neither in form nor content is this bad,
yet no one with a feeling for the Danish language can avoid an
exclamation, "forskruet Stil" and "poetiske Stylter." And lines 8-9
smack unmistakably of _Peder Paars_. In the second place, the translator
often does not attempt to translate at all. He gives merely a
paraphrase. Compare lines 1-3 with the English original; the whole of
the speech of the first citizen, 17-24, 25-27, where the whole implied
idea is fully expressed; 28-30, etc., etc. We might offer almost every
translation of Shakespeare's figures as an example. One more instance.
At times even paraphrase breaks down. Compare

And through the cranks and offices of man
The strongest and small inferior veins,
Receive from me that natural competency
Whereby they live.

with our translator's version (lines 50-51)

jeg den flyde lader
Igjennem Menneskets meest fine Dele.

This is not even good paraphrase; it is simply bald and helpless
rendering.

On the other hand, it would be grossly unfair to dismiss it all with
a sneer. The translator has succeeded for the most part in giving the
sense of Shakespeare in smooth and sounding verse, in itself no small
achievement. Rhetoric replaces poetry, it is true, and paraphrase dries
up the freshness and the sparkle of the metaphor. But a Norwegian of
that day who got his first taste of Shakespeare from the translation
before us, would at least feel that here was the power of words, the
music and sonorousness of elevated dramatic poetry.

One more extract and I am done. It is Coriolanus' outburst of wrath
against the pretensions of the tribunes (III, 1). With all its
imperfections, the translation is almost adequate.

_Coriolanus_:
Skal!
Patrisier, I aedle, men ei vise!
I hoie Senatorer, som mon mangle
Al Overlaeg, hvi lod I Hydra vaelge
En Tjener som med sit bestemte Skal
--Skjondt blot Uhyrets Taleror og Lyd--
Ei mangler Mod, at sige at han vil
Forvandle Eders Havstrom til en Sump,
Og som vil gjore Jer Kanal til sin.
Hvis han har Magten, lad Enfoldighed
Da for ham bukke; har han ingen Magt,
Da vaekker Eders Mildhed af sin Dvale,
Den farlig er; hvis I ei mangle Klogskab,
Da handler ei som Daaren; mangler den,
Lad denne ved Jer Side faae en Pude.
Plebeier ere I, hvis Senatorer
De ere, og de ere mindre ei
Naar begge Eders Stemmer sammenblandes
Og naar de kildres meest ved Fornemhed.
De vaelge deres egen Ovrighed,
Og saadan Een, der saette tor sit Skal,
Ja sit gemene Skal mod en Forsamling,
Der mer agtvaerdig er end nogensinde
Man fandt i Graekenland. Ved Jupiter!
Sligt Consulen fornedrer! Og det smerter
Min Sjael at vide, hvor der findes tvende
Autoriteter, ingen af dem storst,
Der kan Forvirring lettelig faae Indpas
I Gabet, som er mellem dem, og haeve
Den ene ved den anden.

C

In 1865, Paul Botten Hansen, best known to the English-speaking world
for his relations with Bjornson and Ibsen, reviewed[11] the eleventh
installment of Lembcke's translation of Shakespeare. The article
does not venture into criticism, but is almost entirely a resume of
Shakespeare translation in Norway and Denmark. It is less well informed
than we should expect, and contains, among several other slips, the
following "...in 1855, Niels Hauge, deceased the following year as
teacher in Kragero, translated _Macbeth_, the first faithful version of
this masterpiece which Dano-Norwegian literature could boast of." Botten
Hansen mentions only one previous Danish or Norwegian version of
Shakespeare--Foersom's adaptation of Schiller's stage version (1816).
He is quite obviously ignorant of Rosenfeldt's translation of 1790; and
the Rahbek-Sanders translation of 1801 seems also to have escaped him,
although Hauge expressly refers to this work in his introduction. Both
of these early attempts are in prose; Foersom's, to be sure, is in blank
verse, but Foersom's _Macbeth_ is not Shakespeare's. Accordingly, it is,
in a sense, true that Hauge in 1855 did give the Dano-Norwegian public
their first taste of an unspoiled _Macbeth_ in the vernacular.[12]

[11. _Illustreret Nyhedsblad_--1865, p. 96.]

[12. _Macbeth--Tragedie i fem Akter af William Shakespeare_.
Oversat og fortolket af N. Hauge. Christiania. 1855. Johan Dahl.]

Hauge tells us that he had interested himself in English literature at
the risk of being called an eccentric. Modern languages then offered no
avenue to preferment, and why, forsooth, did men attend lectures and
take examinations except to gain the means of earning a livelihood? He
justifies his interest, however, by the seriousness and industry with
which Shakespeare is studied in Germany and England. With the founts of
this study he is apparently familiar, and with the influence of
Shakespeare on Lessing, Goethe, and the lesser romanticists. It is
interesting to note, too, that two scholars, well known in widely
different fields, Monrad, the philosopher--for some years a sort of Dr.
Johnson in the literary circles of Christiania--and Unger, the scholarly
editor of many Old Norse texts, assisted him in his work.

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