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Martin R. Delany - The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States



M >> Martin R. Delany >> The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States

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But the African race had long been known to Europeans, in all ages of
the worlds history, as a long-lived, hardy race, subject to toil and
labor of various kinds, subsisting mainly by traffic, trade, and
industry, and consequently being as foreign to the sympathies of the
invaders of the continent as the Indians, they were selected, captured,
brought here as a laboring class, and as a matter of policy held as
such. Nor was the absurd idea of natural inferiority of the African ever
dreamed of, until recently adduced by the slave-holders and their
abettors, in justification of the policy. This, with contemptuous
indignation, we fling back into their face, as a scorpion to a vulture.
And so did our patriots and leaders in the cause of regeneration know
better, and never for a moment yielded to the base doctrine. But they
had discovered the great fact, that a cruel policy was pursued towards
our people, and that they possessed distinctive characteristics which
made them the objects of proscription. These characteristics being
strongly marked in the colored people, as in the Indians, by color,
character of hair and so on, made them the more easily distinguished
from other Americans, and the policies more effectually urged against
us. For this reason they introduced the subject of emigration to Canada,
and a proper institution for the education of the youth.

At this important juncture of their proceedings, the afore named white
gentlemen were introduced to the notice of the Convention, and after
gaining permission to speak, expressed their gratification and surprise
at the qualification and talent manifested by different members of the
Convention, all expressing their determination to give the cause of the
colored people more serious reflection. Mr. Garrison, the youngest of
them all, and none the less honest on account of his youthfulness, being
but 26 years of age at the time, (1831) expressed his determination to
change his course of policy at once, and espouse the cause of the
elevation of the colored people here in their own country. We are not at
present well advised upon this point, it now having escaped our memory,
but we are under the impression that Mr. Jocelyn also, at once changed
his policy.

During the winter of 1832, Mr. Garrison issued his "Thoughts on African
Colonization," and near about the same time or shortly after, issued the
first number of the "Liberator," in both of which, his full convictions
of the enormity of American slavery, and the wickedness of their policy
towards the colored people, were fully expressed. At the sitting of the
Convention in this year, a number, perhaps all of these gentlemen were
present, and those who had denounced the Colonization scheme, and
espoused the cause of the elevation of the colored people in this
country, or the Anti-Slavery cause, as it was now termed, expressed
themselves openly and without reserve.

Sensible of the high-handed injustice done to the colored people in the
United States, and the mischief likely to emanate from the unchristian
proceedings of the deceptious Colonization scheme, like all honest
hearted penitents, with the ardor only known to new converts, they
entreated the Convention, whatever they did, not to entertain for a
moment, the idea of recommending emigration to their people, nor the
establishment of separate institutions of learning. They earnestly
contended, and doubtless honestly meaning what they said, that they (the
whites) had been our oppressors and injurers, they had obstructed our
progress to the high positions of civilization, and now, it was their
bounden duty to make full amends for the injuries thus inflicted on an
unoffending people. They exhorted the Convention to cease; as they had
laid on the burden, they would also take it off; as they had obstructed
our pathway, they would remove the hindrance. In a word, as they had
oppressed and trampled down the colored people, they would now elevate
them. These suggestions and promises, good enough to be sure, after they
were made, were accepted by the Convention--though some gentlemen were
still in favor of the first project as the best policy, Mr. A.D. Shadd
of West Chester, Pa., as we learn from himself, being one among that
number--ran through the country like wild-fire, no one thinking, and if
he thought, daring to speak above his breath of going any where out of
certain prescribed limits, or of sending a child to school, if it should
but have the name of "colored" attached to it, without the risk of being
termed a "traitor" to the cause of his people, or an enemy to the
Anti-Slavery cause.

At this important point in the history of our efforts, the colored men
stopped suddenly, and with their hands thrust deep in their
breeches-pockets, and their mouths gaping open, stood gazing with
astonishment, wonder, and surprise, at the stupendous moral colossal
statues of our Anti-Slavery friends and brethren, who in the heat and
zeal of honest hearts, from a desire to make atonement for the many
wrongs inflicted, promised a great deal more than they have ever been
able half to fulfill, in thrice the period in which they expected it.
And in this, we have no fault to find with our Anti-Slavery friends, and
here wish it to be understood, that we are not laying any thing to their
charge as blame, neither do we desire for a moment to reflect on them,
because we heartily believe that all that they did at the time, they did
with the purest and best of motives, and further believe that they now
are, as they then were, the truest friends we have among the whites in
this country. And hope, and desire, and request, that our people should
always look upon _true_ anti-slavery people, Abolitionists we mean, as
their friends, until they have just cause for acting otherwise. It is
true, that the Anti-Slavery, like all good causes, has produced some
recreants, but the cause itself is no more to be blamed for that, than
Christianity is for the malconduct of any professing hypocrite, nor the
society of Friends, for the conduct of a broad-brimmed hat and
shad-belly coated horsethief, because he spoke _thee_ and _thou_ before
stealing the horse. But what is our condition even amidst our
Anti-Slavery friends? And here, as our sole intention is to contribute
to the elevation of our people, we must be permitted to express our
opinion freely, without being thought uncharitable.

In the first place, we should look at the objects for which the
Anti-Slavery cause was commenced, and the promises or inducements it
held out at the commencement. It should be borne in mind, that
Anti-Slavery took its rise among _colored men_, just at the time they
were introducing their greatest projects for their own elevation, and
that our Anti-Slavery brethren were converts of the colored men, in
behalf of their elevation. Of course, it would be expected that being
baptized into the new doctrines, their faith would induce them to
embrace the principles therein contained, with the strictest possible
adherence.

The cause of dissatisfaction with our former condition, was, that we
were proscribed, debarred, and shut out from every respectable position,
occupying the places of inferiors and menials.

It was expected that Anti-Slavery, according to its professions, would
extend to colored persons, as far as in the power of its adherents,
those advantages nowhere else to be obtained among white men. That
colored boys would get situations in their shops and stores, and every
other advantage tending to elevate them as far as possible, would be
extended to them. At least, it was expected, that in Anti-Slavery
establishments, colored men would have the preference. Because, there
was no other ostensible object in view, in the commencement of the
Anti-Slavery enterprise, than the _elevation_ of the _colored man_, by
facilitating his efforts in attaining to equality with the white man. It
was urged, and it was true, that the colored people were susceptible of
all that the whites were, and all that was required was to give them a
fair opportunity, and they would prove their capacity. That it was
unjust, wicked, and cruel, the result of an unnatural prejudice, that
debarred them from places of respectability, and that public opinion
could and should be corrected upon this subject. That it was only
necessary to make a sacrifice of feeling, and an innovation on the
customs of society, to establish a different order of things,--that as
Anti-Slavery men, they were willing to make these sacrifices, and
determined to take the colored man by the hand, making common cause with
him in affliction, and bear a part of the odium heaped upon him. That
his cause was the cause of God--that "In as much as ye did it not unto
the least of these my little ones, ye did it not unto me," and that as
Anti-Slavery men, they would "do right if the heavens fell." Thus, was
the cause espoused, and thus did we expect much. But in all this, we
were doomed to disappointment, sad, sad disappointment. Instead of
realising what we had hoped for, we find ourselves occupying the very
same position in relation to our Anti-Slavery friends, as we do in
relation to the pro-slavery part of the community--a mere secondary,
underling position, in all our relations to them, and any thing more
than this, is not a matter of course affair--it comes not by established
anti-slavery custom or right, but like that which emanates from the
pro-slavery portion of the community by mere sufferance.

It is true, that the "Liberator" office, in Boston, has got Elijah
Smith, a colored youth, at the cases--the "Standard," in New York, a
young colored man, and the "Freeman," in Philadelphia, William Still,
another, in the publication office, as "packing clerk"; yet these are
but three out of the hosts that fill these offices in their various
departments, all occupying places that could have been, and as we once
thought, would have been, easily enough, occupied by colored men.
Indeed, we can have no other idea about anti-slavery in this country,
than that the legitimate persons to fill any and every position about an
anti-slavery establishment are colored persons. Nor will it do to argue
in extenuation, that white men are as justly entitled to them as colored
men; because white men do not from _necessity_ become anti-slavery men
in order to get situations; they being white men, may occupy any
position they are capable of filling--in a word, their chances are
endless, every avenue in the country being opened to them. They do not
therefore become abolitionists, for the sake of employment--at least, it
is not the song that anti-slavery sung, in the first love of the new
faith, proclaimed by its disciples.

And if it be urged that colored men are incapable as yet to fill these
positions, all that we have to say is, that the cause has fallen far
short; almost equivalent to a failure, of a tithe, of what it promised
to do in half the period of its existence, to this time, if it have not
as yet, now a period of twenty years, raised up colored men enough, to
fill the offices within its patronage. We think it is not unkind to say,
if it had been half as faithful to itself, as it should have been--its
professed principles we mean; it could have reared and tutored from
childhood, colored men enough by this time, for its own especial
purpose. These we know could have been easily obtained, because colored
people in general, are favorable to the anti-slavery cause, and wherever
there is an adverse manifestation, it arises from sheer ignorance; and
we have now but comparatively few such among us. There is one thing
certain, that no colored person, except such as would reject education
altogether, would be adverse to putting their child with an anti-slavery
person, for educational advantages. This then could have been done. But
it has not been done, and let the cause of it be whatever it may, and
let whoever may be to blame, we are willing to let all that pass, and
extend to our anti-slavery brethren the right-hand of fellowship,
bidding them God-speed in the propagation of good and wholesome
sentiments--for whether they are practically carried out or not, the
profession are in themselves all right and good. Like Christianity, the
principles are holy and of divine origin. And we believe, if ever a man
started right, with pure and holy motives, Mr. Garrison did; and that,
had he the power of making the cause what it should be, it would all be
right, and there never would have been any cause for the remarks we have
made, though in kindness, and with the purest of motives. We are
nevertheless, still occupying a miserable position in the community,
wherever we live; and what we most desire is, to draw the attention of
our people to this fact, and point out what, in our opinion, we conceive
to be a proper remedy.




III

AMERICAN COLONIZATION


When we speak of colonization, we wish distinctly to be understood, as
speaking of the "American Colonization Society"--or that which is under
its influence--commenced in Richmond, Virginia, in 1817, under the
influence of Mr. Henry Clay of Ky., Judge Bushrod Washington of Va., and
other Southern slaveholders, having for their express object, as their
speeches and doings all justify us in asserting in good faith, the
removal of the free colored people from the land of their birth, for the
security of the slaves, as property to the slave propagandists.

This scheme had no sooner been propagated, than the old and leading
colored men of Philadelphia, Pa., with Richard Allen, James Forten, and
others at their head, true to their trust and the cause of their
brethren, summoned the colored people together, and then and there, in
language and with voices pointed and loud, protested against the scheme
as an outrage, having no other object in view, than the benefit of the
slave-holding interests of the country, and that as freemen, they would
never prove recreant to the cause of their brethren in bondage, by
leaving them without hope of redemption from their chains. This
determination of the colored patriots of Philadelphia was published in
full, authentically, and circulated throughout the length and breadth of
the country by the papers of the day. The colored people every where
received the news, and at once endorsed with heart and soul, the doings
of the Anti-Colonization Meeting of colored freemen. From that time
forth, the colored people generally have had no sympathy with the
colonization scheme, nor confidence in its leaders, looking upon them
all, as arrant hypocrites, seeking every opportunity to deceive them. In
a word, the monster was crippled in its infancy, and has never as yet
recovered from the stroke. It is true, that like its ancient sire, that
was "more subtile than all the beasts of the field," it has inherited a
large portion of his most prominent characteristic--an idiosyncrasy with
the animal--that enables him to entwine himself into the greater part of
the Church and other institutions of the country, which having once
entered there, leaves his venom, which put such a spell on the
conductors of those institutions, that is only on condition that a
colored person consents to go to the neighborhood of his kindred brother
monster the boa, that he may find admission in the one or the other. We
look upon the American Colonization Society as one of the most arrant
enemies of the colored man, ever seeking to discomfit him, and envying
him of every privilege that he may enjoy. We believe it to be
anti-Christian in its character, and misanthropic in its pretended
sympathies. Because if this were not the case, men could not be found
professing morality and Christianity--as to our astonishment we have
found them--who unhesitatingly say, "I know it is right"--that is in
itself--"to do" so and so, "and I am willing and ready to do it, but
only on condition, that you go to Africa." Indeed, a highly talented
clergyman, informed us in November last (three months ago) in the city
of Philadelphia, that he was present when the Rev. Doctor J.P. Durbin,
late President of Dickinson College, called on Rev. Mr. P. or B., to
consult him about going to Liberia, to take charge of the literary
department of an University in contemplation, when the following
conversation ensued: Mr. P.--"Doctor, I have as much and more than I can
do here, in educating the youth of our own country, and preparing them
for usefulness here at home." Dr. D.--"Yes, but do as you may, you can
never be elevated here." Mr. P.--"Doctor, do you not believe that the
religion of our blessed Redeemer Jesus Christ, has morality, humanity,
philanthropy, and justice enough in it to elevate us, and enable us to
obtain our rights in this our own country?" Dr. D.--"No, indeed, sir, I
do not, and if you depend upon that, your hopes are vain!" Mr.
P.--Turning to Doctor Durbin, looking him solemnly, though
affectionately in the face, remarked--"Well, Doctor Durbin, we both
profess to be ministers of Christ; but dearly as I love the cause of my
Redeemer, if for a moment, I could entertain the opinion you do about
Christianity, I would not serve him another hour!" We do not know, as we
were not advised, that the Rev. Doctor added in fine,--"Well, you may
quit now, for all your serving him will not avail against the power of
the god (hydra) of Colonization." Will any one doubt for a single
moment, the justice of our strictures on colonization, after reading the
conversation between the Rev. Dr. Durbin and the colored clergyman?
Surely not. We can therefore make no account of it, but that of setting
it down as being the worst enemy of the colored people.

Recently, there has been a strained effort in the city of New York on
the part of the Rev. J.B. Pinney and others, of the leading white
colonizationists, to get up a movement among some poor pitiable colored
men--we say pitiable, for certainly the colored persons who are at this
period capable of loaning themselves to the enemies of their race,
against the best interest of all that we hold sacred to that race, are
pitiable in the lowest extreme, far beneath the dignity of an enemy,
and therefore, we pass them by with the simple remark, that this is the
hobby that colonization is riding all over the country, as the
"tremendous" access of colored people to their cause within the last
twelve months. We should make another remark here perhaps, in
justification of governor Pinney's New York allies--that is, report
says, that in the short space of some three or five months, one of his
confidants, benefited himself to the "reckoning" of from eleven to
fifteen hundred dollars, or "such a matter," while others were benefited
in sums "pretty considerable" but of a less "reckoning." Well, we do not
know after all, that they may not have quite as good a right, to pocket
part of the spoils of this "grab game," as any body else. However, they
are of little consequence, as the ever watchful eye of those excellent
gentlemen and faithful guardians of their people's rights--the
_Committee of Thirteen_, consisting of Messrs. John J. Zuille,
_Chairman_, T. Joiner White, Philip A. Bell, _Secretaries_, Robert
Hamilton, George T. Downing, Jeremiah Powers, John T. Raymond, Wm.
Burnett, James McCune Smith, Ezekiel Dias, Junius C. Morel, Thomas
Downing, and Wm. J. Wilson, have properly chastised this pet-slave of
Mr. Pinney, and made it "know its place," by keeping within the bounds
of its master's enclosure.

In expressing our honest conviction of the designedly injurious
character of the Colonization Society, we should do violence to our own
sense of individual justice, if we did not express the belief, that
there are some honest hearted men, who not having seen things in the
proper light, favor that scheme, simply as a means of elevating the
colored people. Such persons, so soon as they become convinced of their
error, immediately change their policy, and advocate the elevation of
the colored people, anywhere and everywhere, in common with other men.
Of such were the early abolitionists as before stated; and the great and
good Dr. F.J. Lemoyne, Gerrit Smith, and Rev. Charles Avery, and a host
of others, who were Colonizationists, before espousing the cause of our
elevation, here at home, and nothing but an honorable sense of justice,
induces us to make these exceptions, as there are many good persons
within our knowledge, whom we believe to be well wishers of the colored
people, who may favor colonization.[1] But the animal itself is the same
"hydra-headed monster," let whomsoever may fancy to pet it. A serpent is
a serpent, and none the less a viper, because nestled in the bosom of an
honest hearted man. This the colored people must bear in mind, and keep
clear of the hideous thing, lest its venom may be test upon them. But
why deem any argument necessary to show the unrighteousness of
colonization? Its very origin as before shown--the source from whence it
sprung, being the offspring of slavery--is in itself, sufficient to
blast it in the estimation of every colored person in the United States,
who has sufficient intelligence to comprehend it.

We dismiss this part of the subject, and proceed to consider the mode
and means of our elevation in the United States.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Benjamin Coates, Esq., a merchant of Philadelphia, we believe to be
an honest hearted man, and real friend of the colored people, and a
true, though as yet, rather undecided philanthropist. Mr. Coates, to our
knowledge, has supported three or four papers published by colored men,
for the elevation of colored people in the United States, and given, as
he continues to do, considerable sums to their support. We have recently
learned from himself, that, though he still advocates Colonization,
simply as a means of elevating the colored race of the United States,
that he has _left_ the Colonization Society, and prefers seeing colored
people located on this continent, to going to Liberia, or elsewhere off
of it--though his zeal for the enlightenment of Africa, is unabated, as
every good man's should be; and we are satisfied, that Mr. Coates is
neither well understood, nor rightly appreciated by the friends of our
cause. One thing we do know, that he left the Colonization Society,
because he could not conscientiously subscribe to its measures.




IV

OUR ELEVATION IN THE UNITED STATES


That very little comparatively as yet has been done, to attain a
respectable position as a class in this country, will not be denied, and
that the successful accomplishment of this end is also possible, must
also be admitted; but in what manner, and by what means, has long been,
and is even now, by the best thinking minds among the colored people
themselves, a matter of difference of opinion.

We believe in the universal equality of man, and believe in that
declaration of God's word, in which it is there positively said, that
"God has made of one blood all the nations that dwell on the face of the
earth." Now of "the nations that dwell on the face of the earth," that
is, all the people--there are one thousand millions of souls, and of
this vast number of human beings, two-thirds are colored, from black,
tending in complexion to the olive or that of the Chinese, with all the
intermediate and admixtures of black and white, with the various
"crosses" as they are physiologically, but erroneously termed, to white.
We are thus explicit in stating these points, because we are determined
to be understood by all. We have then, two colored to one white person
throughout the earth, and yet, singular as it may appear, according to
the present geographical and political history of the world, the white
race predominates over the colored; or in other words, wherever there is
one white person, that one rules and governs two colored persons. This
is a living undeniable truth, to which we call the especial attention of
the colored reader in particular. Now there is a cause for this, as
there is no effect without a cause, a comprehensible remediable cause.
We all believe in the justice of God, that he is impartial, "looking
upon his children with an eye of care," dealing out to them all, the
measure of his goodness; yet, how can we reconcile ourselves to the
difference that exists between the colored and the white races, as they
truthfully present themselves before our eyes? To solve this problem, is
to know the remedy; and to know it, is but necessary, in order
successfully to apply it. And we shall but take the colored people of
the United States, as a fair sample of the colored races everywhere of
the present age, as the arguments that apply to the one, will apply to
the other, whether Christians, Mahomedans, or pagans.

The colored races are highly susceptible of religion; it is a
constituent principle of their nature, and an excellent trait in their
character. But unfortunately for them, they carry it too far. Their hope
is largely developed, and consequently, they usually stand still--hope
in God, and really expect Him to do that for them, which it is necessary
they should do themselves. This is their great mistake, and arises from
a misconception of the character and ways of Deity. We must know God,
that is understand His nature and purposes, in order to serve Him; and
to serve Him well, is but to know him rightly. To depend for assistance
upon God, is a _duty_ and right; but to know when, how, and in what
manner to obtain it, is the key to this great Bulwark of Strength, and
Depository of Aid.

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