N. E. Dionne - The Makers of Canada: Champlain

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Champlain and Mahicanaticouche arrived in the meantime, whereupon a
general council was held. Champlain severely blamed the authors of this
escapade, the consequences of which might be terrible. It was resolved
to send a new embassy to the Five Nations at once, composed of
Cherououny called _Le Reconcilie_ by the French, Chimeourimou, chief of
the Montagnais, Pierre Magnan, and an Iroquois, adopted when young by a
Montagnais widow. The delegates left for Lake Champlain on July 24th.
One month after, an Indian came to Quebec with the news that the four
delegates had been murdered by the Tsonnontouans. Magnan had murdered
one of his compatriots in France, and by coming to Canada had evaded
justice.

This massacre put an end to thoughts of peace. In September some
Iroquois were known to be _en route_ for Quebec, evidently with hostile
motives. It was just at this time that a number of savages were coming
from a distance of fifty or sixty leagues to fish in the river St.
Lawrence. Nothing serious happened from the visit of the Iroquois, and
Champlain was able to visit his habitation at Cape Tourmente without
danger. In his absence, however, a double murder was committed at La
Canardiere. Two Frenchmen, one named Dumoulin, and the other Henri, a
servant of the widow Hebert, were found dead, having been shot with
muskets.

The murderer's intention had been to kill the baker of the habitation,
and a servant of Robert Giffard, the surgeon. Champlain was anxious to
punish this murderer, but the difficulty was to discover him. Champlain
summoned all the captains of the Montagnais, and having set forth all
the favours which he had bestowed upon the nation, contrasted them with
the conduct which he had received at their hands since 1616. There had
already been four murders of which they were guilty. Champlain therefore
demanded that they should find and give up the guilty party. One
Montagnais who was suspected, was examined, but he denied everything.
Champlain, however, ordered him to be detained in jail until the real
criminal should be found.

During the winter of 1628, about thirty Montagnais, miserable and
hungry, came to the habitation, asking for bread. Champlain took this
opportunity of pointing out to them the evil of their race, and of the
crimes they had committed. They declared that they knew nothing whatever
of the crime, and to show that they were not responsible they offered
three young girls to Champlain to be educated. Champlain accepted them
and treated them as his own children, naming them _Foi_, _Esperance_,
and _Charite_.

After having kept the Montagnais in jail for fourteen months he was
released, as there was no proof against him. Champlain learned soon
after that he was not guilty, and that the real criminal was dead, being
none other than Mahicanaticouche, one of the captains of the Montagnais.

FOOTNOTES:

[21] For a plan of Abraham Martin's property, see, _The Story of the
Siege and the Battle of the Plains of Abraham_, by A.G. Doughty.

[22] See _Deed of Concession_, p. 414, Trans. R.S.C., 1899, by A.G.
Doughty.

[23] Father Mariana, a Jesuit, having published a book entitled, _De
Regi et Regis Institutione_, in which he denounced tyranny and its
fomenters, the court ordered that the work should be burnt, under the
pretext that Ravaillac, who had assassinated Henri IV, had taken
advantage of the Jesuit's authority to excuse his murder. It was certain
that the Jesuits were the best friends of the late king. Nevertheless,
they had to suffer the hostility of a certain part of the secular
clergy. Father Coton, a Jesuit, published at once a pamphlet under the
title, "Is it lawful to kill the tyrants?" in which he taught that it is
not lawful to kill a king, except he abuses his authority. An answer to
the pamphlet, published anonymously, soon appeared, which was a
satirical paper rather than a refutation of Father Coton's letter.
During the same year a new satirical paper against the Jesuits was
printed, entitled _L'Anticoton_. It was translated into Latin.

[24] Raymond de la Ralde who was a Catholic, was the first captain of
the island of Miscou, the history of which commenced in 1620. Guillaume
de Caen appointed de la Ralde as his lieutenant to protect the trade in
the Gulf of St. Lawrence against the Basques and others, especially at
Perce, Gaspe, and Miscou. From the year 1627, de la Ralde ceased to be
of importance, as his fortunes followed the de Caens.

[25] Champlain died within Fort St. Louis, and the Governor Montmagny
had the building restored under the title of Chateau St. Louis, which
name it bore until its complete demolition.

CHAPTER IX

THE COMPANY OF NEW FRANCE OR HUNDRED ASSOCIATES

In spite of Champlain's strenuous efforts, the permanent existence of
New France seemed as yet problematical. At a time when internal peace
was imperative the domination of the mercantile companies came to
increase the distress of the struggling colony. The difficulties of
colonization likewise were immense, and Quebec at the period of which we
write, instead of being a thriving town, had scarcely the appearance of
a small village. In the year 1627 it could boast only six private
residences. The Recollets were living at their convent, but the Jesuits
had not completed their new building. The Recollets had abandoned the
Huron mission as their numbers were diminishing every year, and they
were too poor to continue their ministrations without assistance. They
still held in charge the missions at Quebec and at Tadousac. Father
d'Olbeau, who had been present at the opening of the Recollet convent at
Quebec, saw its doors closed. He remained, however, at his post, and
rendered valuable assistance to Champlain.

The Jesuits made great personal efforts for the advancement of the
colony, and Father Noyrot had sailed for Canada with a number of
workmen and a good store of provisions, but unfortunately his vessel did
not reach Quebec.

The negligence of Montmorency's company was the principal cause why
Quebec was abandoned to its own resources. Champlain was powerless
against the ill-will of the company, and the only redress was in the
person of the king. Cardinal Richelieu, who was superintendent of the
navigation and commerce of France, resolved to reform the remnant of a
company founded in 1626, and composed of one hundred associates, for
conducting the commerce of the East and West. As the due de Ventadour
had resigned the office of viceroy, the cardinal held a meeting of many
rich and zealous persons in his hotel at Paris, whose names would be a
guarantee of the success of the colonization of New France, and also of
its religious institutions. Among those present were Claude de
Roquemont, Sieur de Brison, Louis Houeel, Sieur du Petit-Pre, Gabriel de
Lattaignant, formerly mayor of Calais, Simon Dablon, syndic of Dieppe,
David Duchesne, councillor and alderman of Havre de Grace, and Jacques
Castillon, citizen of Paris.

On April 25th, 1627, the cardinal and these personages signed the act
which founded the Company of New France. In the preamble it is mentioned
that the colonization in New France shall be Catholic only, as this was
regarded as the best means of converting the Indians. The associates
pledged themselves to send two or three hundred men to New France
during the year 1628, and to augment this number to four thousand within
fifteen years from this date, i.e., by the year 1643. They agreed to
lodge, feed and entertain the settlers for a period of three years, and
after that date to grant to each family a tract of land sufficiently
prepared for cultivation. Three priests were to be maintained at each
habitation, at the expense of the company, for a period of fifteen
years.

The king granted to the company numerous privileges, the lands of New
France, the river St. Lawrence, islands, mines, fisheries, Florida,
together with the power of conceding lands in these countries, and the
faculty of granting titles, honours, rights and powers, according to the
condition, quality, or merit of the people. His Majesty also granted to
the company the monopoly of the fur and leather trade from January 1st,
1628, until December 31st, 1643, reserving for the French people in
general the cod and whale fisheries. In order to induce his subjects to
settle in New France the king announced that during the next fifteen
years all goods coming from the French colony should be free of duty.

This act was signed on April 29th, 1627, and the letters patent
ratifying the articles were signed on May 6th, 1628. The letters patent
also ratified some other provisions made on May 7th, 1627, namely:--(1.)
A capital of three hundred thousand livres, by instalments of three
thousand livres each. (2.) The society to adopt the name of the
Campagnie de la Nouvelle France. (3.) The management of the company to
be conducted through twelve directors, with full powers to name
officers, to distribute lands, establish factors or clerks, to conduct
trade and dispose of the joint-stock.

Of these twelve directors six were obliged to live in Paris. The names
of the twelve directors who were elected are here given:--Simon Alix,
councillor and king's secretary; Pierre Aubert, councillor and king's
secretary; Thomas Bonneau, Sieur du Plessis; Pierre Robineau, treasurer
of cavalry; Raoul L'Huillier, merchant of Paris; Barthelemy Quentin,
merchant of Paris; Jean Tuffet, merchant of Bordeaux; Gabriel
Lattaignant, formerly mayor of Calais; Jean Rozee, merchant of Rouen;
Simon Lemaistre, merchant of Rouen; Louis Houeel, comptroller of
saltworks at Brouage; Bonaventure Quentin, Sieur de Richebourg.

These directors were elected for a term of two years, and six of them
had to be replaced at each election. The first term of office expired on
December 31st, 1629. The election was held in Paris at the house of the
intendant, Jean de Lauzon, king's councillor, master of requests and
president of the Grand Council. Cardinal Richelieu and the Duke d'Effiat
headed the list of the Hundred Associates. We find also the name of
Samuel Champlain, captain of the king's marine, of Isaac de Razilly,
chevalier de St. Jean de Jerusalem, Sebastien Cramoisy, the famous
printer; Francois de Re, Sieur Gand, and many important merchants of
Paris, Rouen, Calais, Dieppe, Bordeaux, Lyons, Bayonne, and Havre de
Grace.

This association was formed under auspicious circumstances; its members
possessed wealth and influence, and they were certainly in a position to
remove the difficulties which had hindered the growth of New France from
its foundation.[26]

While these transactions were in progress Champlain was living at Quebec
in want of even the necessaries of life. For the past two years
Champlain had established a farm for raising cattle at the foot of Cape
Tourmente. Some farm buildings and dwellings for the men were erected
there, and Champlain visited the place every summer to see that the work
was properly carried on. The Recollets had a chapel there in which they
said mass from time to time. In 1628 this establishment was in a
flourishing condition, and Champlain believed it would ultimately prove
of great value to the inhabitants. The colony in the meantime had to
rely upon the mother country for provisions, and for flour which could
not be produced in Canada.

The new company sent out four vessels in 1628 under the command of
Claude de Roquemont, laden with provisions, munitions, and a number of
men. This first shipment cost 164,720 livres or about $33,000 of our
currency. This large outlay was proof that the associates were
determined to maintain the new Canadian settlement. The fleet sailed
from Dieppe on May 3rd, and arrived at Perce about the middle of July.
During the voyage Roquemont was often exposed to the attacks of the
English and Dutch vessels, but he preferred to alter his course rather
than to fight. The vessels stopped at the Island of Anticosti, where the
crews landed, and planted a cross in token of their gratitude to God,
who had protected them.

Some days afterwards they reached Perce, and a little later entered
Gaspe Bay. Roquemont was here informed by the savages that five large
English vessels were anchored in Tadousac harbour. It was the fleet of
David Kirke,[27] who was going to make an assault on Quebec, after
having devastated the Acadian coast. Roquemont at once sent
Thierry-Desdames to St. Barnabe Island, where he had intended to go
himself. Roquemont left Gaspe on July 15th, 1628, and proceeded up the
St. Lawrence, hoping that he would be able to escape his powerful
enemies, as the French vessels were not properly armed for a regular
fight. Unhappily, on the eighteenth the French came within cannon shot
of the British fleet. For a period of fourteen hours the vessels
cannonaded each other, and over twelve hundred shots were exchanged. The
French having exhausted their stock of balls used the lead of their
fishing poles instead. Finally Roquemont perceived that his vessel was
sinking, and asked for a compromise. It was decided that no penalties
should be exacted, and that the English admiral should take possession
of the ships. The French crews were taken on board the British vessels,
which continued their route for England. The British commander soon
realized that he had too many persons on board, and some of the families
and the Recollet fathers were put off on the Island of St. Peter. Among
the families were a Parisian named Le Faucheur, who with his wife and
five children were bound for Quebec, Robert Giffard, surgeon, his wife
and three girls, and fifteen or sixteen sailors. Kirke left them to the
mercy of God on this island with some provisions and a small Basque
vessel.

The Basques who were hidden in the mountains came down upon the French
after the English were out of sight, and threatened to kill them if they
attempted to escape in their vessel. They at last agreed to allow them
to go elsewhere in consideration of a certain amount of biscuit and
cider. They all embarked in a frail shallop, and eventually arrived at
Plaisance on the coast of Newfoundland, where some French fishermen
conducted them to France.

Some writers have blamed Roquemont for avoiding a fight. His conduct is
pardonable, however, to a certain extent, because his mission was not
one of war, but to carry provisions to the colony, and he had armed his
vessels only for any ordinary attack. Others, like Champlain, thought
that Roquemont had unnecessarily exposed himself, and blame him for the
following reasons:--(1.) The equipment was made out for helping the fort
and habitation of Quebec. In going forward Roquemont not only exposed
himself to a loss, but also the whole country, that is to say about one
hundred persons who were in distress. (2.) At Gaspe he was made aware
that the English admiral had proceeded up the St. Lawrence in command of
a fleet much more powerful than his own. He ought, therefore, to have
taken the advice of his mariners in order to ascertain whether there was
not a safe harbour along the coast which would have seemed a safe
retreat. (3.) After having put his vessels in such a harbour, Roquemont
ought to have sent a well equipped shallop to observe every movement of
the enemy, and await his departure before going higher up the river.
(4.) If Roquemont desired to fight, he ought to have laden the _Flibot_
with flour and gunpowder, and placed on board the women and children,
and this small ship, which was sailing fast, could have escaped to
Quebec during the fight. Champlain, in setting forth these views, is
probably just, for the merit of a captain is not only in his courage,
but also in his prudence. Nothing remained of the expedition under
Roquemont, which was undertaken with so much courage, and at so much
expense. It is certain that if he had been able to reach Quebec with his
vessels, David Kirke would not have risked, in the following year, the
capture of the habitation of Quebec.

The king of England had granted letters patent to the Company of
Adventurers which authorized them to trade, plant, seize Spanish and
French vessels, and to destroy the forts of New France. By a singular
coincidence the king of France had established the Company of the
Hundred Associates at the same time, and they were thus constituted
masters of commerce in Canada and Acadia.

Sir William Alexander had equipped three vessels, to which he had
appointed David Kirke and his two brothers as captains. They stopped for
a time at Newfoundland, and then taking the gulf and river St. Lawrence,
they anchored at Tadousac, as we have already seen, during the first
days of July, 1628. The news of Kirke's arrival soon reached Champlain,
through an Indian named Napagabiscou, or Tregatin, who came in haste to
Cape Tourmente. Foucher, the chief of the farmers, proceeded at once to
Quebec to confirm the news, and also to inform Champlain that the
establishment had been burnt, his cattle destroyed, and all the
inhabitants taken prisoners. The prisoners were brought back to Quebec
some days after in the custody of six Basques, who delivered to
Champlain the following letter:

"Messieurs:--I give you notice that I have received a
commission from the king of Great Britain, my honoured lord and
master, to take possession of the countries of Canada and Acadia,
and for that purpose eighteen ships have been despatched, each
taking the route ordered by His Majesty. I have already seized the
habitation of Miscou, and all boats and pinnaces on that coast, as
well as those of Tadousac, where I am presently at anchor. You are
also informed that among the vessels that I have seized, there is
one belonging to the new company, commanded by a certain Noyrot,
which was coming to you with provisions and goods for the trade.
The Sieur de la Tour was also on board, whom I have taken into my
ship. I was preparing to seek you, but thought it better to send
boats to destroy and seize your cattle at Cape Tourmente; for I
know that, when you are straightened for supplies, I shall the more
easily obtain my desire, which is, to have your settlement; and in
order that no vessels shall reach you, I have resolved to remain
here till the end of the season, in order that you may not be
re-victualled. Therefore see what you wish to do, if you intend to
deliver up the settlement or not, for, God aiding, sooner or later
I must have it. I would desire, for your sake, that it should be by
courtesy rather than by force, to avoid the blood which might be
spilt on both sides. By surrendering courteously, you may be
assured of all kinds of contentment, both for your persons and for
your property, which on the faith that I have in Paradise, I will
preserve as I would my own, without the least portion in the world
being diminished. The Basques whom I send you are men of the
vessels that I have captured, and they can tell you the state of
affairs between France and England, and even how matters are
passing in France, touching the new company of this country. Send
me word what you desire to do, and if you wish to treat with me
about this affair, send me a person to that effect, whom, I assure
you, I will treat with all kinds of attention, and I will grant all
reasonable demands that you may desire in resolving to give up the
settlement. Waiting your reply, I remain, messieurs, your
affectionate servant,

"David Quer.

"On board the _Vicaille_, July 18th, 1628, and addressed to
Monsieur Champlain, Commandant at Quebec."

Champlain read that letter to Pont-Grave and to the chief inhabitants.
After mature deliberation, it was resolved that Champlain should answer
Kirke with dignity and firmness, but should not give any idea of the
poor state of Quebec. "We concluded," says Champlain, "that if Kirke
wished to see us he had better come, and not threaten from such a
distance. That we did not in the least doubt the fact of Kirke having
the commission of his king, as great princes always select men of brave
and generous courage."

Champlain acknowledged the intelligence of the capture of Father Noyrot
and de la Tour, and also the truth of the observation that the more
provisions there were in a fortress the better it could hold out, still
it could be maintained with but little, provided good order were kept;
therefore, being still furnished with grain, maize, beans and pease,
(besides what the country could supply) which his soldiers loved as well
as the finest corn in the world, by surrendering the fort in so good a
condition, he would be unworthy to appear before his sovereign, and
would deserve chastisement before God and men. He was sure that Kirke
would respect him much more for defending himself than for abandoning
his charge, without first making trial of the English guns and
batteries. Champlain concludes by saying that he would expect his
attack, and oppose, as well as he could, all attempts that might be made
against the place. The noble language of Champlain's letter made a deep
impression on Kirke, and he deemed it prudent to start for Europe.
Before leaving Tadousac, David Kirke destroyed all the captured French
barques, with the exception of the largest, which he took to Europe.
Since leaving England he had doubled the number of his vessels, having
taken away all that he could from the habitation of Miscou and other
seaports frequented by the French.

The news of the departure of the English fleet took some days to reach
Quebec, where the minds of the inhabitants were divided between hope and
fear. Champlain was determined to await the arrival of the enemy, and to
defend Quebec, without considering its weakness. Every one began to
work to construct new intrenchments around the habitation, and to
barricade the road which led to the fort. Each was given a post in the
event of an attack, and a defence was determined upon. Later on
Champlain was informed of Roquemont's fate and of Kirke's departure.

The English were, indeed, well compensated for their abandonment of
Quebec, for the seizure of the vessels and their provisions was
equivalent to the capture of the French colony, since famine threatened
them sooner or later. In attacking Quebec Kirke, indeed, would have met
with but little opposition, because every one was suffering. Those who
were unable to live from the product of their own lands were compelled
to ask assistance from the trade agents. Champlain ordered a
distribution of pease to be made to each person indiscriminately. The
Recollets refused any assistance, and they passed the whole winter
subsisting on corn and vegetables of their own cultivation. Champlain
succeeded in building a mill for grinding pease. The eel fisheries were
productive, and the Indians bought from the French six eels for a beaver
skin. In the midst of these perplexities Champlain realized that unless
assistance was forthcoming in the spring, it would be advisable for him
to accept an honourable capitulation, and to send all the French who
wished to return to their country, either to Gaspe or to Miscou.

As soon as the snow had disappeared in the spring of the year 1629,
Champlain caused all the arable land to be sown. By the end of May his
stock of provisions was nearly exhausted, and he therefore decided to
send Desdames to Gaspe with a group of the inhabitants. Hubou, Desportes
and Pivert took passage on Desdames' barque, hoping to meet a French
vessel at Gaspe. One month later Desdames returned, and confirmed the
news that the English vessels had devastated the Acadian coast, and
burnt the habitations. Neither Desdames nor his party had seen any
French vessel in the gulf, but they had met Iuan Chou, a friend of
Champlain, who had agreed to give hospitality to twenty persons,
including Pont-Grave, by whom he was greatly esteemed. The latter was
still suffering from gout, and it was with some reluctance that he
agreed to leave his position as first clerk, empowered by Guillaume de
Caen to take care of the merchandise. Des Marets, who was Pont-Grave's
grandson, accepted his position in the interim.

Before leaving Quebec Pont-Grave desired Champlain to read publicly the
commission which he had received from Guillaume de Caen. After grand
mass on June 17th Champlain read Pont-Grave's commission and his own in
the presence of all the people, and he added some words, by which it was
easily understood that the king's authority had to be superior to
Guillaume de Caen's commissions. Pont-Grave replied at once: "I see that
you believe in the nullity of my commission!" "Yes," replied Champlain,
"when it comes in conflict with the king's and the viceroy's authority."
This petty dispute had no serious consequence, as it was evident that
Pont-Grave, being only the first clerk of Guillaume de Caen, had no
other authority than to take care of the peltry and merchandise
belonging to his chief.

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