N. E. Dionne - The Makers of Canada: Champlain

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Anadabijou, chief of the Montagnais, made a long speech, telling his men
that they ought to feel proud of the friendship of the king of France
and of his people, upon whom they could rely for assistance in their
wars. It was from that date that the alliance between the Indians and
the French commenced, and, as Champlain was obliged to live in the
neighbourhood of the Montagnais and Algonquins, the only course open to
him, if he desired to live in peace, was to fulfil his promise made to
them.

In this year, 1609, Anadabijou reminded Champlain of the agreement made
six years before. "Ten moons ago," he says, "the son of Iroquet had seen
you. You gave him a good reception, and promised with Pont-Grave to
assist us against our enemies." To this Champlain replied, "My only
desire is to fulfil what I promised then." Thus was sealed this solemn
agreement.

If Champlain had refused to make an alliance with these Indians, they
would have been a constant source of trouble, for although they were
less ferocious than the Iroquois, they were still barbarians. Champlain
and his few men could never have established a settlement at Quebec if
they had been forced to encounter the hostility of the neighbouring
Indians, for the whole of his work could have been overthrown by them in
a single day.

The country of the Iroquois, on the contrary, was situated at a great
distance, and consequently he had not so much to fear from them. It was
Champlain's desire, however, to make a treaty with the Iroquois as well,
for they were at this time even, and long after remained, the terror of
North America. But war seemed necessary to the existence of the
Iroquois, and Champlain, notwithstanding the exercise of his diplomacy,
found it impossible to pacify these restless people.

It is true that the people of New Netherland had been able to maintain
a neutral stand towards the Iroquois, and Champlain has been blamed for
not following this example. It must be borne in mind, however, that the
Dutch were powerful and numerous, and it was to their interest to live
in harmony with their immediate neighbours, the Iroquois. The Dutch had
also different intentions towards the Indians. They came to America
simply to trade, and to establish themselves and live quietly along the
shores of the Hudson River, while Champlain's idea was to civilize the
Indians and bring them under the influence of the Catholic missionaries.

Champlain and the allied Indians left Quebec on June 28th, 1609. Des
Marets, La Routte, a pilot, and nine men accompanied the expedition. On
their voyage they passed certain rivers to which Champlain gave the
following names, Ste. Suzanne (River du Loup), du Pont (Nicolet), de
Genes (Yamaska), and the Three Rivers.[11] The party stopped at the
entrance of the Iroquois River. Continuing their journey southwards,
they arrived at the Chambly Rapids. "No Christians had been in this
place before us," says Champlain. Seeing no prospect of being able to
cross the rapids alone, Champlain embarked with the Indians in their
canoes, taking only two men with him. Champlain's army, comprising
sixty men, then proceeded slowly towards Lake Champlain, and a few days
after the party arrived at Lake St. Sacrament (Lake George). On July
29th they encountered the Iroquois, who had come to fight, at the
extremity of Lake Champlain, on the western bank. The entire night was
spent by each army in dancing and singing, and in bandying words. At
daybreak Champlain's men stood to arms. The Iroquois were composed of
about two hundred men, stout and rugged in appearance, with their three
chiefs at their head, who could be distinguished by their large plumes.
The Indians opened their ranks and called upon Champlain to go to the
front. The arrows were beginning to fly on both sides when Champlain
discharged his musket, which was loaded with four balls, and killed two
of the chiefs and mortally wounded the third. This unexpected blow
caused great alarm among the Iroquois, who lost courage, abandoned their
camp and took to flight, seeking shelter in the woods. Fifteen or
sixteen men of Champlain's party were wounded, but the enemy had many
wounded, and ten or twelve were taken prisoners.

This victory did not entail much hardship on the part of the French.
Champlain and his two companions did more to rout the Iroquois than the
sixty allies with their shower of arrows. The result of this day's
proceedings was highly satisfactory to the Indians, who gathered up the
arms and provisions left behind by the Iroquois, and feasted
sumptuously amidst dancing and singing. "The spot where this attack took
place," says Champlain, "is in the latitude of 43 deg. and some minutes, and
the lake is called Champlain." This place is now called Ticonderoga, or
the Cheondoroga of the Indians.

Champlain returned to Quebec with the Montagnais, and a few days after
he set out for Tadousac to see whether Pont-Grave had arrived from
Gaspe. He met Pont-Grave on the morrow, and they both decided to sail
for France, and to leave Quebec in the meantime under the command of
Pierre de Chauvin,[12] pending the decision of de Monts as to the future
of the colony. Both visited Quebec in order to invest Chauvin with
authority, and after leaving him everything necessary for the use of the
settlement, and placing fifteen men under his command, the two
commanders left Quebec on September 1st, 1609, and sailed from Tadousac
for France on the fifth day of the same month.

Champlain had sojourned in New France since the beginning of July, 1608,
and during that interval he had made good use of his time. He had chosen
the most suitable place for a habitation which was destined to become
the metropolis of the French colony; he had constructed a fort and a
storehouse, and he had also explored a very important tract of country.
Champlain had also visited a part of the river Saguenay; he had made
himself acquainted with the vicinity of Quebec, and with the rivers,
streams and tributaries of the St. Lawrence and Ste. Croix. For the
second time he had seen the river St. Lawrence as far as the Iroquois
River over which he had sailed as far as Lake Champlain, whence it
receives its waters. Besides his achievements in exploration Champlain
had cemented friendly relations with the Montagnais, Algonquins and
Hurons; he had renewed his acquaintance with Anadabijou and formed an
alliance with Iroquet and Ochateguin, three of the most powerful chiefs
of these tribes. He was also well versed in their methods of warfare and
had studied their manners and customs and their treatment of their
prisoners, so that when he returned to France he was in a position to
give de Monts a great deal of valuable information, both as regards the
inhabitants and the best means of promoting trade with them.

On his arrival in France Champlain proceeded at once to Fontainebleau,
where he met King Henry IV and de Monts. He had an audience with the
king and gave His Majesty a satisfactory account of his proceedings. He
also presented to the king a girdle made of porcupine quills, two little
birds of carnation colour, and the head of a fish caught in Lake
Champlain, which had a very long snout, and two or three rows of very
sharp teeth.

To de Monts the visit of Champlain was of great importance, because the
fate of Quebec was bound up with him. After hearing Champlain's
narrative of his voyages in New France, de Monts decided to visit Rouen
in order to consult Collier and Legendre, his associates. After
deliberation they resolved to continue their efforts to colonize New
France and to further explore the great river St. Lawrence. In order to
realize means for defraying the expenses of the expedition, Pont-Grave
was authorized to engage in any traffic that would help to accomplish
this end. In the meantime Lucas Legendre was ordered to purchase
merchandise for the expedition, to see to the repairs of the vessels,
and to obtain crews. After these details had been arranged de Monts and
Champlain returned to Paris to settle the more important questions.

De Monts' commission, which had been issued for one year, had expired,
but he hoped that it would be renewed. His requests, which appeared just
and reasonable, were, however, refused, owing to protests on the part of
merchants of Bretagne and Normandy, who claimed that this monopoly was
ruinous to their commerce. Finally de Monts appealed to his former
partners, who decided to furnish two vessels, at their own expense, with
supplies and stores necessary for the settlement. Pont-Grave was given
the command of a fur-trading vessel, and the other was laden with
provisions and stores necessary for the use of the settlers. Champlain
was informed that his services were dispensed with, but not believing
that this news could be true, he saw de Monts and asked him frankly
whether such was the case. De Monts told him that he could accompany the
expedition, if he chose to do so. Champlain therefore set out from Paris
on the last day of February, 1610, and proceeded to Rouen, where he
remained for two days, and then left for Honfleur, to meet Pont-Grave
and Legendre, who informed him that the vessels were ready to sail.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Le Testu's Christian name was Guillaume. His first voyage to
Newfoundland was made in 1601. He came to Quebec in 1608, 1610, 1611,
1612, 1613, 1614, and 1616. He was successively captain of the _Fleur de
Lys_, the _Trinite_ and the _Nativite_. He was very circumspect in his
dealings.

[10] Champlain often speaks of this man. His true name was Claude Godet,
Sieur des Marets. His father, Cleophas Godet, a lawyer, had three sons,
Claude, Jean and Jesse. Jean was Sieur du Parc, and Jesse parish priest
of Chambois in 1634. Both Claude and Jean came to Canada. Claude des
Marets was married, in 1615, to Jeanne Grave, only daughter of Francois
Grave, Sieur du Pont. He died about the year 1626, leaving one child
named Francois, who came to New France with his grandfather, and was
present at the capitulation of Quebec in 1629.

[11] This is the river _de Fouez_ of Jacques Cartier, and the
_Metaberoutin_ of the Indians, and now the river St. Maurice, to which
historians have given the name of Three Rivers, because two islands
divide it into three branches at its entrance; these branches are called
_Les Chenaux_, or the narrow channels.

[12] Pierre de Chauvin, Sieur de la Pierre, called Captain Pierre by
Champlain, was born at Dieppe, but after the death of his relative,
Pierre de Chauvin, Sieur de Tontuit, he resided at Honfleur. There were
many families of Chauvin in Normandy during the seventeenth century,
notably the Chauvins, Sieurs de Tontuit, and the Chauvins, Sieurs de la
Pierre.

CHAPTER IV

CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGES OF 1610, 1611, 1613

Champlain embarked at Honfleur with eleven artisans for Quebec, on March
7th, 1610. The rough weather experienced during the first days of the
voyage rendered it necessary for the vessel to run into Portland, on the
English coast, and later to seek refuge in the harbour of the Isle of
Wight. At this time Champlain was taken suddenly ill, and was obliged to
return by boat to Havre de Grace to undergo medical treatment. A month
after he rejoined his former vessel, which in the meantime had returned
to Honfleur to take in ballast. Champlain had now somewhat recovered,
although he was still weak and ill.

The vessel left Honfleur on April 8th, and reached Tadousac on the 26th
of the same month; which was one of the shortest passages ever made up
to that time. "There were vessels," says Champlain, "which had arrived
on the 18th of the month, a thing which had not been seen for more than
sixty years, as the old mariners said who sail regularly to this
country." This remark proves that for more than half a century French
fishermen and navigators had been accustomed to proceed as far as
Tadousac. A Basque, named Lavalette, who had been accustomed to fish on
the Acadian coast from about the year 1565, also confirms the statement.

On his arrival at Tadousac, Champlain ascertained from a young nobleman,
named du Parc,[13] who had wintered with Chauvin at Quebec, that all the
settlers were in good health, and that only a few of them had been
slightly ill. They had been able to procure fresh meat during the whole
season, and consequently scurvy had not made its appearance. "By
avoiding salt food and using fresh meat, the health is as good here as
in France."

The Indians had been waiting from day to day for the return of
Champlain, for they wished him to accompany them to war. He therefore
went ashore to assure them that he would fulfil his promise under the
conditions made, namely, that upon his return they would point out to
him the three rivers, and the lake which they had described as
resembling a sea, the end of which could not be seen, and by means of
which he could return by way of the Saguenay to Tadousac. The Indians
had readily promised to do all this, but only in the following year.
Champlain had also promised the Hurons and Algonquins that he would
assist them in their wars, if they would show him their country, the
great lake and the copper mines. "I had accordingly," he said, "two
strings to my bow, so that, in case one should break, the other might
hold."

On April 25th, 1610, Champlain set out from Tadousac for Quebec, where
he found Captain Chauvin and his companions in good health. They had
with them a stranger named Captain Batiscan, who was so pleased at
Champlain's return that he and his comrades showed their appreciation by
singing and dancing all night. Champlain entertained them at a banquet,
with which they were delighted.

Some days after a party of the Montagnais, numbering about sixty men,
made their appearance at Quebec, _en route_ for the war. They presented
themselves before Champlain, and said: "Here are numerous Basques and
Mistigoches (so they named the Normans and Malouins) who say they will
go to the war with us. What do you think of it? Do they speak the
truth?" Champlain answered: "No, I know very well what they really mean;
they say this only to get possession of your commodities." The Indians
replied: "You have spoken the truth. They are women and want to make war
only upon our beavers." Confiding in Champlain's word, the Montagnais
went to Three Rivers under the agreement that a general rendezvous
should be held there with the French. The Hurons were to await them at
the entrance of the Iroquois River.

Champlain started on his journey on June 14th. When he was eight leagues
from Quebec he met a canoe bearing an Algonquin and a Montagnais, who
entreated him to hasten towards Three Rivers, as the Algonquins and
Hurons would be at the meeting-place within two days. The Algonquins
presented Champlain with a piece of copper a foot long and quite pure,
and stated that there were large quantities to be found on the bank of a
river, near a great lake. The Indians also stated that they collected
the copper in lumps, and after they had melted it, spread it in sheets
and smoothed it with stones. Champlain was well pleased to receive this
present, although it was of small value.

The Montagnais assembled at Three Rivers, and on June 18th they all set
out together. On the following day they arrived at an island situated at
the mouth of the river Richelieu, which the Montagnais used to frequent
when they wished to avoid the Iroquois.

An alarm was soon given that the Algonquins had fallen in with a band of
Iroquois, numbering one hundred, who were strongly barricaded. Each man
then took his arms and set out in a canoe towards the enemy. The firing
immediately began, and Champlain was wounded by an arrow which pierced
his ear and entered his neck. He seized the arrow and withdrew it from
the wound. The Iroquois were much astonished at the noise caused by the
discharge of the French muskets, and some of them, seeing their
companions wounded or dead, threw themselves upon the ground whenever
they, heard a musket fired. Champlain resolved after a while to force
the barricade, sword in hand, which he accomplished without much
resistance, and entered the fort. Fifteen prisoners were taken, and the
rest were killed either by musket shots, arrows, or the sword. The
savages, according to their custom, scalped the dead. The Montagnais and
Algonquins had three killed and fifty wounded. On the following day
Pont-Grave and Chauvin did some trading in peltry.

Amongst Champlain's party there was a young lad named Nicholas Marsolet,
who desired to accompany the Algonquins in order to learn their
language, and he was pleased to learn that after much deliberation the
Algonquins had decided to take him, on the condition that Champlain
accepted a young Huron as hostage. The Indian boy was named Savignon by
the French. Lescarbot writes that he met this youth many times in Paris,
and that "he was a big and stout boy."

The French and the allied Indians separated with many promises of
friendship. The Indians departed for the fall of the great river of
Canada, and the French, with Champlain at their head, proceeded to
Quebec. On the return journey they met at Lake St. Peter, Pont-Grave,
who was on his way to Tadousac, to arrange some business connected with
headquarters.

Pont-Grave contemplated passing the winter at Quebec, but in the
meantime des Marets arrived from France, much to the delight of every
one, as his vessel was long overdue. The news which he brought,
however, was so serious that both Champlain and Pont-Grave decided to
return to France. The intelligence received was to the effect that M. de
St. Luc had expelled the Catholics from Brouage, that the king had been
killed, and that the Duke of Sully and two other noblemen had shared the
same fate.

Champlain was much distressed over the condition of affairs in France,
and on his departure he left du Parc in command of Quebec, and placed
under him sixteen men, "all of whom were enjoined to live soberly, and
in the fear of God, and in strict observance of the obedience due to the
authority of du Parc." The settlement was left with a plentiful supply
of kitchen vegetables, together with a sufficient quantity of Indian
corn, wheat, rye and barley. Everything was in good order when Champlain
set out from Quebec on August 8th, five days after Pont-Grave's vessel
sailed from Tadousac for France. On September 27th they arrived at
Honfleur, the voyage having lasted one month and a half.

This second voyage of Champlain did not restore de Monts' fortunes. The
withdrawal of the exclusive privilege of trading was the signal for a
large number of trading vessels to appear in the St. Lawrence. In fact
the operations were so great as to render the profits of the company
null. The disaster was so complete that Champlain says: "Many will
remember for a long time the loss made this year." For all the labour
which Champlain had bestowed upon the settlement the result was small,
and it was evident that if any French merchant were allowed without
restrictions to trade with the Indians, commerce would be ruined, and
the development of the settlement would be impossible. During the first
years a beaver skin could be exchanged in return for two knives, and now
fifteen or twenty were required for the same exchange. Champlain
therefore desired to establish some form of rule by which commerce could
be restricted, or in other words, whereby he or de Monts, or any one
else who would undertake the direction of the affairs of New France,
might be protected.

It was during this winter of 1610-11, that Champlain, who was now more
than forty years of age, entertained thoughts of marriage. His constant
voyages during the past twelve years had probably prevented him from
entering into this estate before. It is, perhaps, somewhat surprising
that he so suddenly put aside this consideration against the marriage.
Did he contemplate residing permanently at Quebec, or did he foresee
that circumstances would render his remaining in New France improbable?
There is nothing in his narrative which throws any light on this
question. Champlain does not mention the name of his wife in any of his
writings, but we find later that she accompanied him to Quebec, where
she dwelt for four years. The name of Champlain's wife was Helene
Boulle, the daughter of Nicholas Boulle, secretary of the king's
chamber, and of Marguerite Alix of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, Paris.
Helene Boulle was born in 1598, and at the time of her marriage she was
only twelve years of age. Her parents were Calvinists, and she was
brought up in the same faith, but through the lessons and influence of
her husband she became a Catholic.

The marriage settlements were executed at Paris on December 27th, 1610,
and signed by Choquillot and Arragon, notaries, in the presence of the
parents and friends of both parties. Among those who attended on that
occasion were Pierre du Gua, friend; Lucas Legendre, of Rouen, friend;
Hercule Rouer, merchant of Paris; Marcel Chenu, merchant of Paris; Jehan
Roernan, secretary of de Monts, Champlain's friend; Francois Lesaige,
druggist of the king's stables, friend and relative; Jehan Ravenel,
Sieur de la Merrois; Pierre Noel, Sieur de Cosigne, friend; Anthoine de
Murad, king's councillor and almoner; Anthoine Marye; Barbier, surgeon,
relative and friend; Genevieve Lesaige, wife of Simon Alix, uncle of
Helene Boulle, on the mother's side.

According to the terms of the contract, Nicholas Boulle and his wife
pledged themselves, by anticipated payment of the inheritance, to pay
six thousand livres cash, the day preceding the marriage. Champlain also
agreed to give his future wife the benefit of his wealth at his death.
Two days after, Nicholas Boulle sent to his son-in-law the sum of four
thousand five hundred livres, the balance was to be sent later on.

The betrothal took place in the church of St. Germain l'Auxerrois, on
Wednesday, December 29th, 1610, and on the following day the marriage
was celebrated in the same church. As the young bride was not of
marriageable age, she returned to her family to live with them for two
years, as agreed by the contract.

Champlain then resumed his colonization work, and had an interview with
de Monts, in order to induce him to take some action in his favour.
Although the profits to be realized from the enterprise were not
certain, it seemed probable that fur-trading, and developing the
resources of the country, might become advantageous. The expenses of the
undertaking were also small: a few barrels of biscuits, of pease and
cider would be found sufficient to sustain the fifteen or twenty men who
formed the nucleus of the colony. From year to year Champlain hoped to
be able to monopolize the fur trade, not for himself, but for the
company of de Monts.

The vessels which were equipped for the expedition were ready to sail on
March 1st, 1611. The passage was very rough, and when about eight
leagues distant from the Great Banks of Newfoundland, the vessels were
in great danger through the number of icebergs which were encountered.
The cold was so intense that it was found difficult to navigate the
vessel. While in the vicinity of Newfoundland, they communicated with a
French ship, on board of which was Biencourt, son of Poutrincourt, who
was bound for Port Royal to meet his father. He had left France three
months previously, and had been unable to find his way to the Acadian
coast.

After having sighted Gaspe, Champlain arrived at Tadousac on May 13th,
where he found all the country covered with snow. The savages were
informed of Champlain's arrival by cannon shot, and they soon made their
appearance. They stated that three or four trading vessels had arrived
within the last eight days, but that their business had been a failure
on account of the scarcity of furs.

Champlain proceeded at once to Quebec, where he found everything in good
order, and neither du Parc nor his companions had suffered from any
sickness. Game had been abundant during the whole winter. Champlain
intended to visit Three Rivers, but Batiscan said that he would not be
prepared to conduct him there until next year. As he was unable to carry
out his designs, Champlain took with him Savignon and one Frenchman, and
visited the great fall. He made a careful examination of the country,
and says:--

"But in all that I saw I found no place more favourable than a little
spot to which barques and shallops can easily ascend with the help of a
strong wind, or by taking a winding course, in consequence of the
strong current. But above this place, which we named _La Place Royale_,
at the distance of a league from Mont Royal, there are a great many
little rocks and shoals which are very dangerous.... Formerly savages
tilled these lands.... There is a large number of other fine pastures,
where any number of cattle can graze.... After a careful examination, we
found this place one of the finest on this river. I accordingly gave
orders to cut down and clear up the woods in the Place Royale, so as to
level it and prepare it for building."

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