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Procopius - History of the Wars, Books I and II (of 8)

P >> Procopius >> History of the Wars, Books I and II (of 8)




This coast[25] immediately beyond the boundaries of Palestine is held by
Saracens, who have been settled from of old in the Palm Groves. These
groves are in the interior, extending over a great tract of land, and
there absolutely nothing else grows except palm trees. The Emperor
Justinian had received these palm groves as a present from Abochorabus,
the ruler of the Saracens there, and he was appointed by the emperor
captain over the Saracens in Palestine. And he guarded the land from
plunder constantly, for both to the barbarians over whom he ruled and no
less to the enemy, Abochorabus always seemed a man to be feared and an
exceptionally energetic fellow. Formally, therefore, the emperor holds
the Palm Groves, but for him really to possess himself of any of the
country there is utterly impossible. For a land completely destitute of
human habitation and extremely dry lies between, extending to the
distance of a ten days' journey; moreover the Palm Groves themselves are
by no means worth anything, and Abochorabus only gave the form of a
gift, and the emperor accepted it with full knowledge of the fact. So
much then for the Palm Groves. Adjoining this people there are other
Saracens in possession of the coast, who are called Maddeni and who are
subjects of the Homeritae. These Homeritae dwell in the land on the
farther side of them on the shore of the sea. And beyond them many other
nations are said to be settled as far as the man-eating Saracens. Beyond
these are the nations of India. But regarding these matters let each one
speak as he may wish.

About opposite the Homeritae on the opposite mainland dwell the
Aethiopians who are called Auxomitae, because their king resides in the
city of Auxomis. And the expanse of sea which lies between is crossed in
a voyage of five days and nights, when a moderately favouring wind
blows. For here they are accustomed to navigate by night also, since
there are no shoals at all in these parts; this portion of the sea has
been called the Red Sea by some. For the sea which one traverses beyond
this point as far as the shore and the city of Aelas has received the
name of the Arabian Gulf, inasmuch as the country which extends from
here to the limits of the city of Gaza used to be called in olden times
Arabia, since the king of the Arabs had his palace in early times in the
city of Petrae. Now the harbour of the Homeritae from which they are
accustomed to put to sea for the voyage to Aethiopia is called Bulicas;
and at the end of the sail across the sea they always put in at the
harbour of the Adulitae. But the city of Adulis is removed from the
harbour a distance of twenty stades (for it lacks only so much of being
on the sea), while from the city of Auxomis it is a journey of twelve
days.

All the boats which are found in India and on this sea are not made in
the same manner as are other ships. For neither are they smeared with
pitch, nor with any other substance, nor indeed are the planks fastened
together by iron nails going through and through, but they are bound
together with a kind of cording. The reason is not as most persons
suppose, that there are certain rocks there which draw the iron to
themselves (for witness the fact that when the Roman vessels sail from
Aelas into this sea, although they are fitted with much iron, no such
thing has ever happened to them), but rather because the Indians and the
Aethiopians possess neither iron nor any other thing suitable for such
purposes. Furthermore, they are not even able to buy any of these things
from the Romans since this is explicitly forbidden to all by law; for
death is the punishment for one who is caught. Such then is the
description of the so-called Red Sea[26] and of the land which lies on
either side of it.

From the city of Auxomis to the Aegyptian boundaries of the Roman
domain, where the city called Elephantine is situated, is a journey of
thirty days for an unencumbered traveller. Within that space many
nations are settled, and among them the Blemyes and the Nobatae, who are
very large nations. But the Blemyes dwell in the central portion of the
country, while the Nobatae possess the territory about the River Nile.
Formerly this was not the limit of the Roman empire, but it lay beyond
there as far as one would advance in a seven days' journey; but the
Roman Emperor Diocletian came there, and observed that the tribute from
these places was of the smallest possible account, since the land is at
that point extremely narrow (for rocks rise to an exceedingly great
height at no great distance from the Nile and spread over the rest of
the country), while a very large body of soldiers had been stationed
there from of old, the maintenance of which was an excessive burden upon
the public; and at the same time the Nobatae who formerly dwelt about
the city of Oasis used to plunder the whole region; so he persuaded
these barbarians to move from their own habitations, and to settle along
the River Nile, promising to bestow upon them great cities and land both
extensive and incomparably better than that which they had previously
occupied. For in this way he thought that they would no longer harass
the country about Oasis at least, and that they would possess themselves
of the land given them, as being their own, and would probably beat off
the Blemyes and the other barbarians. And since this pleased the
Nobatae, they made the migration immediately, just as Diocletian
directed them, and took possession of all the Roman cities and the land
on both sides of the river beyond the city of Elephantine. Then it was
that this emperor decreed that to them and to the Blemyes a fixed sum of
gold should be given every year with the stipulation that they should no
longer plunder the land of the Romans. And they receive this gold even
up to my time, but none the less they overrun the country there. Thus it
seems that with all barbarians there is no means of compelling them to
keep faith with the Romans except through the fear of soldiers to hold
them in check. And yet this emperor went so far as to select a certain
island in the River Nile close to the city of Elephantine and there
construct a very strong fortress in which he established certain temples
and altars for the Romans and these barbarians in common, and he settled
priests of both nations in this fortress, thinking that the friendship
between them would be secure by reason of their sharing the things
sacred to them. And for this reason he named the place Philae. Now both
these nations, the Blemyes and the Nobatae, believe in all the gods in
which the Greeks believe, and they also reverence Isis and Osiris, and
not least of all Priapus. But the Blemyes are accustomed also to
sacrifice human beings to the sun. These sanctuaries in Philae were kept
by these barbarians even up to my time, but the Emperor Justinian
decided to tear them down. Accordingly Narses, a Persarmenian by birth,
whom I have mentioned before as having deserted to the Romans[27], being
commander of the troops there, tore down the sanctuaries at the
emperor's order, and put the priests under guard and sent the statues to
Byzantium. But I shall return to the previous narrative.


XX

At about the time of this war Hellestheaeus, the king of the
Aethiopians, who was a Christian and a most devoted adherent of this
faith, discovered that a number of the Homeritae on the opposite
mainland were oppressing the Christians there outrageously; many of
these rascals were Jews, and many of them held in reverence the old
faith which men of the present day call Hellenic. He therefore collected
a fleet of ships and an army and came against them, and he conquered
them in battle and slew both the king and many of the Homeritae. He then
set up in his stead a Christian king, a Homerite by birth, by name
Esimiphaeus, and, after ordaining that he should pay a tribute to the
Aethiopians every year, he returned to his home. In this Aethiopian army
many slaves and all who were readily disposed to crime were quite
unwilling to follow the king back, but were left behind and remained
there because of their desire for the land of the Homeritae; for it is
an extremely goodly land.

These fellows at a time not long after this, in company with certain
others, rose against the king Esimiphaeus and put him in confinement in
one of the fortresses there, and established another king over the
Homeritae, Abramus by name. Now this Abramus was a Christian, but a
slave of a Roman citizen who was engaged in the business of shipping in
the city of Adulis in Aethiopia. When Hellestheaeus learned this, he was
eager to punish Abramus together with those who had revolted with him
for their injustice to Esimiphaeus, and he sent against them an army of
three thousand men with one of his relatives as commander. This army,
once there, was no longer willing to return home, but they wished to
remain where they were in a goodly land, and so without the knowledge of
their commander they opened negotiations with Abramus; then when they
came to an engagement with their opponents, just as the fighting began,
they killed their commander and joined the ranks of the enemy, and so
remained there. But Hellestheaeus was greatly moved with anger and sent
still another army against them; this force engaged with Abramus and his
men, and, after suffering a severe defeat in the battle, straightway
returned home. Thereafter the king of the Aethiopians became afraid, and
sent no further expeditions against Abramus. After the death of
Hellestheaeus, Abramus agreed to pay tribute to the king of the
Aethiopians who succeeded him, and in this way he strengthened his rule.
But this happened at a later time.

At that time, when Hellestheaeus was reigning over the Aethiopians, and
Esimiphaeus over the Homeritae, the Emperor Justinian sent an
ambassador, Julianus, demanding that both nations on account of their
community of religion should make common cause with the Romans in the
war against the Persians; for he purposed that the Aethiopians, by
purchasing silk from India and selling it among the Romans, might
themselves gain much money, while causing the Romans to profit in only
one way, namely, that they be no longer compelled to pay over their
money to their enemy. (This is the silk of which they are accustomed to
make the garments which of old the Greeks called Medic, but which at the
present time they name "seric"[28]). As for the Homeritae, it was
desired that they should establish Caisus, the fugitive, as captain over
the Maddeni, and with a great army of their own people and of the
Maddene Saracens make an invasion into the land of the Persians. This
Caisus was by birth of the captain's rank and an exceptionally able
warrior, but he had killed one of the relatives of Esimiphaeus and was a
fugitive in a land which is utterly destitute of human habitation. So
each king, promising to put this demand into effect, dismissed the
ambassador, but neither one of them did the things agreed upon by them.
For it was impossible for the Aethiopians to buy silk from the Indians,
for the Persian merchants always locate themselves at the very harbours
where the Indian ships first put in, (since they inhabit the adjoining
country), and are accustomed to buy the whole cargoes; and it seemed to
the Homeritae a difficult thing to cross a country which was a desert
and which extended so far that a long time was required for the journey
across it, and then to go against a people much more warlike than
themselves. Later on Abramus too, when at length he had established his
power most securely, promised the Emperor Justinian many times to invade
the land of Persia, but only once began the journey and then straightway
turned back. Such then were the relations which the Romans had with the
Aethiopians and the Homeritae.


XXI

Hermogenes, as soon as the battle on the Euphrates had taken place, came
before Cabades to negotiate with him, but he accomplished nothing
regarding the peace on account of which he had come, since he found him
still swelling with rage against the Romans; for this reason he returned
unsuccessful. And Belisarius came to Byzantium at the summons of the
emperor, having been removed from the office which he held, in order
that he might march against the Vandals; but Sittas, as had been decreed
by the Emperor Justinian, went to the East in order to guard that
portion of the empire. And the Persians once more invaded Mesopotamia
with a great army under command of Chanaranges and Aspebedes and
Mermeroes. Since no one dared to engage with them, they made camp and
began the siege of Martyropolis, where Bouzes and Bessas had been
stationed in command of the garrison. This city lies in the land called
Sophanene, two hundred and forty stades distant from the city of Amida
toward the north; it is just on the River Nymphius which divides the
land of the Romans and the Persians. So the Persians began to assail the
fortifications, and, while the besieged at first withstood them
manfully, it did not seem likely that they would hold out long. For the
circuit-wall was quite easily assailable in most parts, and could be
captured very easily by a Persian siege, and besides they did not have a
sufficient supply of provisions, nor indeed had they engines of war nor
anything else that was of any value for defending themselves. Meanwhile
Sittas and the Roman army came to a place called Attachas, one hundred
stades distant from Martyropolis, but they did not dare to advance
further, but established their camp and remained there. Hermogenes also
was with them, coming again as ambassador from Byzantium. At this point
the following event took place.

It has been customary from ancient times both among the Romans and the
Persians to maintain spies at public expense; these men are accustomed
to go secretly among the enemy, in order that they may investigate
accurately what is going on, and may then return and report to the
rulers. Many of these men, as is natural, exert themselves to act in a
spirit of loyalty to their nation, while some also betray their secrets
to the enemy. At that time a certain spy who had been sent from the
Persians to the Romans came into the presence of the Emperor Justinian
and revealed many things which were taking place among the barbarians,
and, in particular, that the nation of the Massagetae, in order to
injure the Romans, were on the very point of going out into the land of
Persia, and that from there they were prepared to march into the
territory of the Romans, and unite with the Persian army. When the
emperor heard this, having already a proof of the man's truthfulness to
him, he presented him with a handsome sum of money and persuaded him to
go to the Persian army which was besieging the Martyropolitans, and
announce to the barbarians there that these Massagetae had been won over
with money by the Roman emperor, and were about to come against them
that very moment. The spy carried out these instructions, and coming to
the army of the barbarians he announced to Chanaranges and the others
that an army of Huns hostile to them would at no distant time come to
the Romans. And when they heard this, they were seized with terror, and
were at a loss how to deal with the situation.

At this juncture it came about that Cabades became seriously ill, and he
called to him one of the Persians who were in closest intimacy with him,
Mebodes by name, and conversed with him concerning Chosroes and the
kingdom, and said he feared the Persians would make a serious attempt to
disregard some of the things which had been decided upon by him. But
Mebodes asked him to leave the declaration of his purpose in writing,
and bade him be confident that the Persians would never dare to
disregard it. So Cabades set it down plainly that Chosroes should become
king over the Persians. The document was written by Mebodes himself, and
Cabades immediately passed from among men. [Sept. 13, 531] And when
everything had been performed as prescribed by law in the burial of the
king, then Caoses, confident by reason of the law, tried to lay claim to
the office, but Mebodes stood in his way, asserting that no one ought to
assume the royal power by his own initiative but by vote of the Persian
notables. So Caoses committed the decision in the matter to the
magistrates, supposing that there would be no opposition to him from
there. But when all the Persian notables had been gathered together for
this purpose and were in session, Mebodes read the document and stated
the purpose of Cabades regarding Chosroes, and all, calling to mind the
virtue of Cabades, straightway declared Chosroes King of the Persians.

Thus then Chosroes secured the power. But at Martyropolis, Sittas and
Hermogenes were in fear concerning the city, since they were utterly
unable to defend it in its peril, and they sent certain men to the
enemy, who came before the generals and spoke as follows: "It has
escaped your own notice that you are becoming wrongfully an obstacle to
the king of the Persians and to the blessings of peace and to each
state. For ambassadors sent from the emperor are even now present in
order that they may go to the king of the Persians and there settle the
differences and establish a treaty with him; but do you as quickly as
possible remove from the land of the Romans and permit the ambassadors
to act in the manner which will be of advantage to both peoples. For we
are ready also to give as hostages men of repute concerning these very
things, to prove that they will be actually accomplished at no distant
date." Such were the words of the ambassadors of the Romans. It happened
also that a messenger came to them from the palace, who brought them
word that Cabades had died and that Chosroes, son of Cabades, had become
king over the Persians, and that in this way the situation had become
unsettled. And as a result of this the generals heard the words of the
Romans gladly, since they feared also the attack of the Huns. The Romans
therefore straightway gave as hostages Martinus and one of the
body-guards of Sittas, Senecius by name; so the Persians broke up the
siege and made their departure promptly. And the Huns not long afterward
invaded the land of the Romans, but since they did not find the Persian
army there, they made their raid a short one, and then all departed
homeward.


XXII

Straightway Rufinus and Alexander and Thomas came to act as ambassadors
with Hermogenes, and they all came before the Persian king at the River
Tigris. And when Chosroes saw them, he released the hostages. Then the
ambassadors coaxed Chosroes, and spoke many beguiling words most
unbecoming to Roman ambassadors. By this treatment Chosroes became
tractable, and agreed to establish a peace with them that should be
without end for the price of one hundred and ten "centenaria," on
condition that the commander of troops in Mesopotamia should be no
longer at Daras, but should spend all his time in Constantina, as was
customary in former times; but the fortresses in Lazica he refused to
give back, although he himself demanded that he should receive back from
the Romans both Pharangium and the fortress of Bolum. (Now the
"centenarium" weighs one hundred pounds, for which reason it is so
called; for the Romans call one hundred "centum"). He demanded that this
gold be given him, in order that the Romans might not be compelled
either to tear down the city of Daras or to share the garrison at the
Caspian Gates with the Persians[29]. However the ambassadors, while
approving the rest, said that they were not able to concede the
fortresses, unless they should first make enquiry of the emperor
concerning them. It was decided, accordingly, that Rufinus should be
sent concerning them to Byzantium, and that the others should wait until
he should return. And it was arranged with Rufinus that seventy days'
time be allowed until he should arrive. When Rufinus reached Byzantium
and reported to the emperor what Chosroes' decision was concerning the
peace, the emperor commanded that the peace be concluded by them on
these terms.

In the meantime, however, a report which was not true reached Persia
saying that the Emperor Justinian had become enraged and put Rufinus to
death. Chosroes indeed was much perturbed by this, and, already filled
with anger, he advanced against the Romans with his whole army. But
Rufinus met him on the way as he was returning not far from the city of
Nisibis. Therefore they proceeded to this city themselves, and, since
they were about to establish the peace, the ambassadors began to convey
the money thither. But the Emperor Justinian was already repenting that
he had given up the strong holds of Lazica, and he wrote a letter to the
ambassadors expressly commanding them by no means to hand them over to
the Persians. For this reason Chosroes no longer saw fit to make the
treaty; and then it came to the mind of Rufinus that he had counselled
more speedily than safely in bringing the money into the land of Persia.
Straightway, therefore, he threw himself on the earth, and lying prone
he entreated Chosroes to send the money back with them and not march
immediately against the Romans, but to put off the war to some other
time. And Chosroes bade him rise from the ground, promising that he
would grant all these things. So the ambassadors with the money came to
Daras and the Persian army marched back.

Then indeed the fellow-ambassadors of Rufinus began to regard him with
extreme suspicion themselves, and they also denounced him to the
emperor, basing their judgment on the fact that Chosroes had been
persuaded to concede him everything which he asked of him. However, the
emperor showed him no disfavour on account of this. At a time not long
after this Rufinus himself and Hermogenes were again sent to the court
of Chosroes, and they immediately came to agreement with each other
concerning the treaty, subject to the condition that both sides should
give back all the places which each nation had wrested from the other in
that war, and that there should no longer be any military post in Daras;
as for the Iberians, it was agreed that the decision rested with them
whether they should remain there in Byzantium or return to their own
fatherland. And there were many who remained, and many also who returned
to their ancestral homes. [532 A.D.] Thus, then, they concluded the
so-called "endless peace," when the Emperor Justinian was already in the
sixth year of his reign. And the Romans gave the Persians Pharangium and
the fortress of Bolum together with the money, and the Persians gave the
Romans the strongholds of Lazica. The Persians also returned Dagaris to
the Romans, and received in return for him another man of no mean
station. This Dagaris in later times often conquered the Huns in battle
when they had invaded the land of the Romans, and drove them out; for he
was an exceptionally able warrior. Thus both sides in the manner
described made secure the treaty between them.


XXIII

Straightway it came about that plots were formed against both rulers by
their subjects; and I shall now explain how this happened. Chosroes, the
son of Cabades, was a man of an unruly turn of mind and strangely fond
of innovations. For this reason he himself was always full of excitement
and alarms, and he was an unfailing cause of similar feelings in all
others. All, therefore, who were men of action among the Persians, in
vexation at his administration, were purposing to establish over
themselves another king from the house of Cabades. And since they longed
earnestly for the rule of Zames, which was made impossible by the law by
reason of the disfigurement of his eye, as has been stated, they found
upon consideration that the best course for them was to establish in
power his child Cabades, who bore the same name as his grandfather,
while Zames, as guardian of the child, should administer the affairs of
the Persians as he wished. So they went to Zames and disclosed their
plan, and, urging him on with great enthusiasm, they endeavoured to
persuade him to undertake the thing. And since the plan pleased him,
they were purposing to assail Chosroes at the fitting moment. But the
plan was discovered and came to the knowledge of the king, and thus
their proceedings were stopped. For Chosroes slew Zames himself and all
his own brothers and those of Zames together with all their male
offspring, and also all the Persian notables who had either begun or
taken part in any way in the plot against him. Among these was
Aspebedes, the brother of Chosroes' mother.

Cabades, however, the son of Zames, he was quite unable to kill; for he
was still being reared under the chanaranges, Adergoudounbades. But he
sent a message to the chanaranges, bidding him himself kill the boy he
had reared; for he neither thought it well to shew mistrust, nor yet had
he power to compel him. The chanaranges, therefore, upon hearing the
commands of Chosroes, was exceedingly grieved and, lamenting the
misfortune, he communicated to his wife and Cabades' nurse all that the
king had commanded. Then the woman, bursting into tears and seizing the
knees of her husband, entreated him by no means to kill Cabades. They
therefore consulted together, and planned to bring up the child in the
most secure concealment, and to send word in haste to Chosroes that
Cabades had been put out of the world for him. And they sent word to the
king to this effect, and concealed Cabades in such a way that the affair
did not come to the notice of any one, except Varrames, their own child,
and one of the servants who seemed to them to be in every way most
trustworthy. But when, as time went on, Cabades came of age, the
chanaranges began to fear lest what had been done should be brought to
light; he therefore gave Cabades money and bade him depart and save
himself by flight wherever he could. At that time, then, Chosroes and
all the others were in ignorance of the fact that the chanaranges had
carried this thing through.

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