Robert W. Williamson - The Mafulu

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I. Thou. He. We. You. They.
I. Fuyuge na, nani nu, nuni u, uni di, dini yi, yini tu, tuni
Kambisa na nu u -- -- ha-ru
Sikube na-nio nu-ni -- -- -- --
Kabana nau -- -- -- -- --
II. Afoa na nu-i ome -- -- --
Tauata na, nai nu, nu-i ome, ome-i nane, nane-i nune, nunei ote, ote-i
III. Kovio na ni pi -- -- --
Oru-Lopiko na, naro ni, niro pi, piro dae, daro ali, alero valo, valoro
West Toaripi ara-o a-o are-o ela-o e-o ere-o
Namau na-i ni-i u ene-i noro oro
Kiwai mo ro nou nimo nigo nei
North-east, Binandele na imo owa kaena, nakare imomae owawa
East, Koita da a au no yai yau
South-east, Mailu ia ga noa gea aea omoa

It is interesting here to note the agreement in the forms of the
first and second persons singular, with a wide difference in the other
pronouns. Similar words for these two pronouns occur in other Papuan
languages as _e.g._, Kai (Finschhafen) _no_, Kelana Kai _nai_, "I,"
and Bongu and Bogadjim (Astrolabe Bay), _ni_, Kelana Kai _ne_, "thou."

The widespread use of a suffix, used when the pronoun is emphatic,
is noteworthy. The possessive case also is formed as in some other
Papuan languages by a suffix added to the root of the pronoun. _Cf._--

My. Thy. His. Our. Your. Their.
Fuyuge nau(le) nu(le) u(le) diu(le) yu(le) ta(le)
naula(ne) nula(ne) ula(ne) diula(ne) yula(ne) tala(ne)
Kambisa narando nurando hurando -- -- haruando
Tauata neve nie omene nanene nuvene otene
Kovio nemai nimai pimai -- -- --
Oru-Lopiko nema nima pima daema alima valoma
Toaripi arave ave areve elave eve ereve
Binandele nato ito ounda, kaenato itomane omida
owanda

Sometimes the simple form of the pronoun is prefixed to the noun in
Tauata to indicate the possessive, as in Namau and Koita. Tauata _na
ate_, Koita _di omote_, Namau, _na uku_, "my head."

The numerals also show great differences. As far as "three" they
appear as follows:

Fuyuge. Korona. Sikitbe. Afoa. Tauata. Kovio. Oru Lopiko.
1. fida(ne) fida(ne) fidana koane kone uniuni konepu
2. gegeto gegeda iuara atolowai atoloai karaala kalotolo
3. gegeto m'inaa gegeda-fidane iuara-minda atolowai-itime atoloai-laina naralavievi-napuevi konekhalavi

Some of these words have other meanings. Thus Fuyuge 2, _gegeto_
is given also as "few." In Tauata 1, _kone_ duplicated as _konekone_
is "few," whilst _onioni_, means "alone." In Oru Lopiko 1, _konepu_
compares with _onionipu_, "few."

These numerals are all different from Mailu, Koita, Binandele,
Toaripi and Namau.

Mailu. Koita. Binandele. Toaripi. Namau. Kiwai.
1. omu kobua, igagu da farakeka monou nao
2. ava abu tote orakoria morere netowa.
3. aiseri abi-gaga tamonde oroisoria morere-monou netowa-naobi

The vocabulary shows very few agreements, and there is very little
evidence in support of a connection of any one of these dialects with
its neighbours. The following correspondences may be purely accidental.

Bamboo. Afoa, _ila_; Namau, _ina_.

Banana. Korona, _haba_; Iworo, _sabari_.

Barter. Afoa, _tavatava_; Toaripi, _tavatava_.

Belly. Oru Lop., _data_; Sogeri, Koiari, _detu_.

Black. Fuyuge, _dube, duba_; Neneba, _aduve_; Koiari, Koita, _dubu_.

Blood. Fuyuge, _tana_; Koiari, Koita, _tago_.

Bone. Fuyuge, _fude, &c._; Toaripi, _uti_.

Child. Fuyuge, _me(le_); Binandele, _mai_; Berepo, _me_.

Fuyuge, _isia_; Kambisa, _isa_; Ubere, _esi_; Neneba, _eche_.

Coconut. Kambisa, _bao_; Koiari, _bagha_.

Crocodile. Fuyuge, _fua, fuai_; Koiari, _fuie_.

Dig. Fuyuge, _etsia_; Toaripi, _isei_.

Dog. Fuyuge, _oi, ho_; Agi, Ubere, _o_; Koiari, &c., _to_.

Eat, Drink. Fuyuge, _na, nene_; Namau, _na_.

Fire. Tauata, _ena_; Koiari, _vene_; Koita, _veni_.

Foot. Fuyuge, &c., _soge, suga_; Amara, _joka_.

Male. Tauata, _mu_; Toaripi, _mo_. Oru Lopiko, _vitapu_; Toaripi,
_vita_.

Man. Fuyuge _a(ne_); Neneba, _ana_; Koiari, Koita, _ata_.

Mother. Oru Lopiko, Kovio, _nei_, Uberi, _neia_; Koita, _neina_;
Tauata; _ine_; Koiari, _ine_.

Pig. Kambisa, _sika_; Musa River, _siko_.

Fuyuge, _avo_; Koiari, _ofo_; Koita, _oho_.

Rope. Fuyuge, _konange_; Gosisi, _goda_; Koiari, Koita,_gote_.

Salt. Fuyuge, _ama(ne_); Neneba, Iworo, _amani_.

Taro. Fuyuge, &c., _munde_, _muda_; Neneba, _muda_.

Tree. Fuyuge, _i_, _iye_; Kovio, _ida_; Koiari, Koita, _idi_.

Water. Fuyuge, &c., _yu_; Afoa, _i(pe_); Neneba, _ei_; Ubere, _e_.

Woman. Fuyuge, _amu_; Iworo, Neneba, _amuro_, wife.

SECTION III

III. Papuan and Melanesian.

Three Melanesian languages are spoken in the country around the lower
courses of the St. Joseph and Aroa rivers, and are thus in immediate
contact with the Papuan languages spoken about the upper waters. These
Melanesian languages are the Mekeo, Kuni and Pokau. It is, therefore,
of some importance to note whether any apparently non-Melanesian
elements in these languages may be traced to the influence of the
neighbouring Papuan tongues.

In Grammar the only non-Melanesian characteristic which appears is the
preceding of the substantive by the genitive, but in the vocabularies
a few correspondences are found.

Bamboo Pokau, _ileile_; Fuyuge, _ele_; Afoa,
_ila_. Sinaugoro, _tobo_; Korono, _tobo_. Kuni, _bioni_; Mekeo,
_piengi_; Fuyuge, _bione_.
Big Kuni, _galoa_; Afoa, _kalowo_.
Bird Mekeo, _inei_; Afoa, _kile_; Oru Lopiko, _ite_.
Breast Pokau, _pede_; Oru Lopiko, _apetei_.
Chest Mekeo, _olanga_; Oru Lopiko, _ulako_.
Couch Kuni, _itsifu_; Tauata, _itsifu_.
Crocodile Roro, _puaea_; Kabadi, _ua_; Fuyuge, _fua_.
Dog Pokau, _oveka_; Kuni, _ojame_, _obeka_; Fuyuge,
_oi(e_); Afoa, _kovela_.
Fork Kuni, _ini_; Tauata, _ini_.
Girdle Kuni, _afafa_; Tauata, _afafe_.
Hammock Kuni, _totoe_; Fuyuge, _sosoe_; Tauata, _totolo_;
Oru Lopiko, _totoki_.
Head Mekeo, _kangia_; Oru Lopiko, _kakuo_.
Hill Mekeo, _iku_; Fuyuge, _ku(me_).
House Mekeo, _ea_; Fuyuge, _e(me_).
Knife Mekeo, _aiva_; Kuni, _atsiva_; Tauata, _tiveya_;
Oru Lopiko, _vetsi_.
Many Kuni, _talelea_; Afoa, _talele_; Fuyuge, _talele_.
Rope Mekeo, _ue_; Korona, _yu_.
Spoon Kuni, _nima_; Tauata, _dima_.
Sweet Potato Kuni, _gubea_; Fuyuge, _kupa_, _gupe_; Afoa, _gupe_.
White Mekeo, _foenga_; Korona, _foa_.

But there are many apparently non-Melanesian words in Mekeo, Kuni
and Pokau, which are different in each language, and cannot be traced
to the neighbouring Papuan. The inference is that such words may be
remnants of other Papuan tongues spoken in the St. Joseph and Aroa
Basins, which have been absorbed by the immigrant Melanesian speech.

Only three Melanesian words in the list appear to have been adopted by
the Papuans. These are: Tauata _nau_ (_pe_), earthen dish, which is
Kuni, Motu, Pokau, &c., _nau_; Fuyuge asi boat, Pokau and Motu asi;
and Fuyuge _bara_, paddle, the Motu, Kabadi _bara_, Mekeo _fanga_,
oar. The Fuyuge _kokole_ fowl is also probably the Mekeo _kokolo_.

NOTES

[1] The photographs of skulls, articles of dress and ornament,
implements and weapons were made in London after my return.

[2] The Geographical Society's map used by me is somewhat confusing
as regards the upper reaches of the St. Joseph or Angabunga river
and the rivers flowing into and forming it. The Fathers' map makes
the St. Joseph river commence under that name at the confluence, at
a point a little to the west of 8 deg. 30' S. Lat. and 147 deg. E. Long.,
of the river Alabula (called in one of its upper parts Loloipa),
flowing from the north, and the river Aduala, flowing from Mt. Albert
Edward in the north-east; and this arrangement, which is practically
in accord with a map appended to the British New Guinea _Annual
Report_ for June, 1900, is, I think, probably the most suitable and
correct one. The Aduala is the river the upper part of which is in
the Geographical Society's map called Angabunga. The Fathers' map
shows the river Kea flowing into the Aduala at a distance of about
two miles above the confluence of the latter with the Alabula; but,
according to the Report map, this distance is about 12 miles.

[3] Note the change from the Mafulu (Papuan) pronunciation _Mambule_
to the Kuni (Melanesian) pronunciation _Mafulu_ and the similar change
from the Mafulu _Ambo_ to the Kuni _Ajoa_.

[4] See Dr. Seligmann's "Hunterian Lecture" in the _Lancet_ for
February 17, 1906, p. 427; Seligmann and Strong in the _Geographical
Journal_ for March, 1906, pp. 233 and 236; also Dr. Seligmann's
"Classification of the Natives of British New Guinea" in the _Journal
of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December, 1909, p. 329.

[5] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 29.

[6] _Ibid._ p. 31.

[7] _Lancet_, February 17, 1906, p. 427.

[8] _Geographical Journal_ for September, 1908, p. 274.

[9] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32.

[10] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 29.

[11] British New Guinea _Annual Report_ for June 30, 1906, pp. 85
to 93.

[12] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 33.

[13] Apparently bows and arrows are not found among the tribes of the
Lower Mambare river (_Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.)

[14] _Annual Report_ for June, 1894, p. 32.

[15] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
1909, p. 329.

[16] _Annual Report_ for June, 1897, Appendix C, p. 7.

[17] _Geographical Journal_ for October, 1900, p. 422.

[18] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
1909, p. 330.

[19] _British New Guinea_, p. 94.

[20] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 32.

[21] _Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute_ for December,
1909, p. 329.

[22] Seligmann and Strong--_Geographical Journal_ for March, 1906,
p. 232.

[23] Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 27.

[24] Dr. Strong has referred (_Geographical Journal_ for September,
1908, p. 272) to the considerable areas of open grass country at the
source of the St. Joseph river; and in his remarks which appeared in
the _Annual Report_ for June, 1906, p. 28, he referred to the same
matter, and spoke of the valleys being for the most part less steep
than those of the Kuni district.

[25] I must state that Plate 2 represents a scene taken from a spot
near to Deva-deva, which, though close to what is regarded as the
boundary between the Kuni and Mafulu areas, is in fact just within
the former. The general appearance of the scenery is, however,
distinctly Mafulu.

[26] Dr. Strong's measurements of seven Mafulu men referred to by
Dr. Seligmann (_Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute_, Vol. 39,
p. 329) showed an average stature of 59 1/2 inches, and an average
cephalic index of 80.0. It will be noticed that my figures show a
somewhat higher average stature, but that my average cephalic index
is the same. Dr. Seligmann here speaks of the Mafulu as being almost
as short as the men of Inavaurene, and even more round-headed.

[27] This is the index calculated on average lengths and breadths. The
average of the indices is 83.8, the difference arising from the
omission in working out of each index of second points of decimals.

[28] Dr. Keith thinks they are all skulls of males. They are now in
College Museum, and are numbered 1186.32, 1186.33 and 1186.34 in the
College Catalogue.

[29] _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p.16.

[30] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal_, Vol. 16, p.291)
to the finding by the Mission Fathers of "another type of native,
evidently an example of the convex-nosed Papuan," in the upper waters
of the Alabula river. I gather from the habitat of these natives that
they must have been either Ambo or Oru Lopiku. I should be surprised
to hear the Semitic nose was common in either of those areas.

[31] Dr. Seligmann, in speaking of the Koiari people, refers to an
occasional reddish or gingery tinge of facial hair (_Melanesians of
British New Guinea,_, p. 29). I never noticed this among the Mafulu.

[32] Since writing the above, I have learnt that some of the dwarf
people found by the expedition into Dutch New Guinea organised by
the British Ornithologists' Union had brown hair. Mr. Goodfellow
tells me that "the hair of some of the pygmies was decidedly _dark_
brown"; and Dr. Wollaston gives me the following extract from his
diary for March 1, 1911, relating to twenty-four pygmies then under
observation:--"Hair of three men distinctly _not_ black, a sort of
dirty rusty brown or rusty black colour--all others black-haired."

[33] This plate and the plates of dancing aprons were produced by
first drawing the objects, and then photographing the drawings. It
would have been more satisfactory if I could have photographed the
objects themselves. But they were much crumpled, and I was advised
that with many of them the camera would not indicate differences of
colour, and that in one or two of them even the design itself would
not come out clearly.

[34] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of the armlets, No. 4, the
materials of which are said to be the same as those used for this belt,
said that the split cane-like material is a strip from the periphery
of the petiole or stem of a palm, and that the other material is
sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern, and not
that of a creeping plant. I may say that I felt a doubt at the time
as to the complete accuracy of the information given to me concerning
the vegetable materials used for the manufacture of various articles,
and there may well be errors as to these.

[35] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed one of these belts, says that it is
made of the separated woody strands from the stem of a climbing plant
(possibly one of the Cucurbitaceae or Aristolochiaceae).

[36] Dr. Stapf, having inspected one of the belts, thinks this material
is composed of split strips of sclerenchyma fibre from the petiole
or rhizome of a fern, and not that of a creeping plant.

[37] Dr. Stapf, to whom I showed a written description which I had
made of the plant, and who has also examined the belt, is of opinion
that it belongs to the Diplocaulobium section of Dendrobium.

[38] I have examined at the British Museum a belt made by the dwarf
mountain people found by the recent expedition organised by the
British Ornithologists' Union. This belt is made in hank-like form,
remarkably similar to that of my Mafulu belt No. 7, though in other
respects it differs from the latter, and it is much smaller. The only
other thing of similar hank-like form which I have been able to find
at the Museum is a small belt or head ornament (it is said to be the
latter) made by Sakai people of the Malay Peninsula.

[39] Chalmers describes a young woman in the foot hills behind
Port Moresby who "had a net over her shoulders and covering her
breasts as a token of mourning" (_Work and Adventures in New Guinea_
p. 26). Compare also the Koita custom referred to by Dr. Seligmann
(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 164) for a widow to wear
two netted vests. The same custom is found at Hula.

[40] See reference to this question in the _Annual Report_ for June,
1906, p. 13.

[41] I shall from time to time have to refer to the croton, and in
doing so I am applying to the plant in question the name commonly
given to it; but Dr. Stapf tells me that the plant so commonly called
is really a codioeum.

[42] The Rev. Mr. Dauncey, of the L.M.S. station at Delena (a Roro
village on the coast) told me that in his village it is a common thing
for a native to pick up a small white snake about 12 inches long,
and pass it through the hole in his nose; and that the Pokau people
sometimes pass the tip of the tail of a larger black snake into these
holes, the intention of both practices being to keep the hole open. In
neither of these cases is the practice a part of an original ceremony
connected with nose-piercing, such as that of Mafulu; but it may well
be that all the practices have superstitious origins.

[43] There is apparently no corresponding ceremony among the Koita
natives (Seligmann, _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 72), nor
among the Roro people (_Id_., p. 256), and I do not believe there is
any such in Mekeo.

[44] I do not think these pigtails are used as ornaments by the Roro
and Mekeo people, though Dr. Seligmann says that a Koita bridegroom
wears them in his ears on his wedding day (_Melanesians of British
New Guinea_, p. 78).

[45] Dr. Stapf, to whose inspection I have submitted two of these
combs, said they were made of palm-wood--split and shaped pieces from
the periphery of the petiole or stem of a palm--and that the material
used for binding the teeth of the combs together was sclerenchyma
fibre from the petiole or rhizome of a fern.

[46] These earrings are, I think, sometimes found in Mekeo; but they
have all come from the mountains.

[47] See note on p. 27 as to the way in which these plates have
been produced.

[48] Only the two ends of the pattern have been copied, the
intermediate part being the same throughout, as is shown.

[49] I am unable to state the various forms and varieties of these
vegetables, but I give the following native names for plants of the
yam, taro, and sweet potato types:--Yams include _tsiolo, avanve,
buba, aligarde, vaule, vonide, poloide_ and _ilavuide_. Taros include
_auvari, elume, lupeliolu, kamulepe, ivuvana_ and _fude_. Sweet
potatoes include _asi, bili, dube, saisasumulube_ and _amb' u tolo_
(this last name means "ripe banana," and the reason suggested for
the name is that the potato tastes rather like a ripe banana).

[50] Dr. Stapf says the wood is that of a rather soft-wooded
dicotyledonous tree (possibly urticaceous).

[51] The Chirima boring instrument figured by Mr. Monckton (_Annual
Report_ for June 30, 1906) is rather of the Mafulu type, but in this
case the fly-wheel, instead of being a flat piece of wood, appears to
be made of a split reed bound on either side of the upright cane shaft.

[52] Hammocks are also used in the plains and on the coast, but only,
I think, to a very limited extent; whereas in the mountains, of at
all events the Mafulu district, they are used largely.

[53] I had a considerable quantity of impedimenta, and unfortunately
my condition made it necessary for me to be carried down also; and
I had great difficulty in getting enough carriers.

[54] Compare the differently shaped mortar found in the Yodda valley
and described and figured in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1904, p. 31.

[55] The practice of destroying the pigs' eyes in the Kuni district
is referred to in the _Annual Report_ for June, 1900, p. 61.

[56] This is subject to the qualification which arises from the fact
(stated below) that a member of one clan who migrates to a village of
another clan retains his _imbele_ relationship to the members of his
own old clan, although he has by his change of residence obtained a
similar relationship to the members of the clan in whose village he
has settled.

[57] See _Annual Report_ for June, 1910, which on p. 5 speaks of
"several villages round about the Mission, known as Sivu."

[58] Compare the Koita system, under which under certain conditions
the son of a chief's sister might succeed him (Seligmann, _Melanesians
of British New Guinea_, p. 52). Such a thing could not take place
among the Mafulu.

[59] I do not know how far this pig-killer may be compared with the
Roro _ovia akiva_, or chief of the knife, referred to by Dr. Seligmann
(_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 219). The Mafulu pig-killer
cannot be regarded as being even a quasi-chief, and his office is
not hereditary. It is noticeable also that he is the man who kills
the pigs, whereas the _ovia akiva_ only cuts up the bodies after the
pigs have been killed by someone else.

[60] I do not suggest that these defences are peculiar to the
Mafulu area. I believe they are used by other mountain natives of
the Central District.

[61] Though this curious-shaped hood in front of a house is apparently
a speciality of the mountains, so far as British New Guinea is
concerned, I do not suggest that it does not exist elsewhere. In fact,
some of the native houses which I have seen in the Rubiana Lagoon
district of the Solomon Islands had a somewhat similar projection,
though in them the front wall of the house, with its little
door-opening, was carried round below the outer edge of the hood,
which thus formed part of the roof of the interior, instead of being
merely a shelter over the outside platform, as is the case in Mafulu.

[62] Dr. Haddon refers (_Geographical Journal, Vol. XVI._, p. 422)
to conical ground houses with elliptical and circular bases found in
villages on the top of steep hills behind the Mekeo district and on
the southern spur of Mt. Davidson, and says that in some places, as
on the Aduala affluent of the Angabunga (_i.e._, St. Joseph's) river,
the houses are oblong, having a short ridge pole. I think that the
elliptical houses to which he refers have probably been Kuni houses,
to which his description could well be applied, and that the oblong
houses have been Mafulu. The villages with very narrow streets,
and the houses of which are, he says, built partly on the crest and
partly on the slope, are also in this respect typically Kuni.

[63] This photograph had to be taken from an awkward position above,
from which I had to point the camera downwards to the bridge.

[64] See also description of suspension bridge over Vanapa river in
lower hill districts given in _Annual Report_ for June, 1889, p. 38.

[65] Compare the Koita system under which the owner of the house owns
the site of it also, and the latter passes on his death to his heirs
(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 89.)

[66] See note 1 on p. 128.

[67] Father Egedi describes in _Anthropos_ a Kuni method of preparing
a fruit similar to the one described here, and which also gives rise to
terrible smells. The tree is referred to by him as being a bread-fruit;
and Dr. Stapf thinks that the _malage_ may possibly be one of the
Artocarpus genus, of which some have smooth or almost smooth fruit,
and some are said to have poisonous sap, and the seeds of many of
which are eaten, or of some closely allied type.

[68] The information obtained by me at Mafulu did not go beyond the
actual facts as stated by me. I cannot, however, help suspecting
that there is, or has been, a close connection between the building
of anemone and the holding of a big feast, and that the latter
may be compared with the tabu ceremonial of the Koita described by
Dr. Seligmann (_Melanesians of British New Guinea_, pp. 141 and 145
_et seq_.). Indeed there are some elements of similarity between the
two feasts.

[69] Compare the Roro custom for the messengers carrying an invitation
to important feasts to take with them bunches of areca nut, which
are hung in the _marea_ of the local groups of the invited _itsubu_
(Seligmann's _Melanesians of British New Guinea_, p. 218).

[70] See note on p. 256 as to the use by me of the terms "grave,"
"bury" and "burial."

[71] _Ibid._

[72] It is the custom among the Kuni people when any woman (not
merely the wife of a chief) has her first baby for the women of
her own village, and probably of some neighbouring villages also,
to assemble in the village and to attack her house and the village
club-house with darts, which the women throw with their hands at the
roofs. At Ido-ido I saw that the roofs of the club-house and of some of
the ordinary houses had a number of these darts sticking into them. The
darts were made out of twigs of trees, and were about five or six feet
long; and each of them had a bunch of grass tied in a whorl at or near
its head, and some of them had a similar bunch similarly tied at or
near its middle. See also Dr. Seligmann's reference (_Melanesians
of British New Guinea_, p. 298) to the Roro custom for warriors,
when returning from a successful campaign, to throw their spears at
the roof and sides of the marea. In Mekeo there is no corresponding
ceremony on the birth of a first child; but men, women and children
of the village collect by the house and sing all through the night;
and in the morning the woman's husband will kill a pig or dog for them,
which they cook and eat without ceremony.

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