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[1] _Return of Members of Parliament_, pt. i., 193-97; _Chron.
Angliae_, p. 112, understates the case.

The convocation of Canterbury proved less accommodating than the
parliament. Under the able leadership of Bishop Courtenay, it took up
the cause of the Bishop of Winchester, refused to join in a grant of
money until he had taken his place in convocation, and, triumphing at
last over the time-serving of Sudbury and the hesitation of Wykeham
himself, persuaded the bishop to join their deliberations. Lancaster met
the opposition of convocation by calling to his aid the Oxford doctor
whom the clergy had already begun to look upon as the enemy of the
privileges of their order. Wycliffe was not as yet under suspicion of
direct dogmatic heresy. He had not yet clothed himself in the armour of
his Balliol predecessor, Fitzralph, to wage war against the mendicant
orders. But he had already formulated his theory that dominion was
founded on grace, had declared that the pope had no right to
excommunicate any one, or if he had that any simple priest could absolve
the culprit from his sentence, and he had shown a hatred so bitter of
clerical worldliness and clerical property that he was looked upon as
the special enemy of the great land-holding prelates and of the
"possessioner" monks, whose lands, he maintained, could be resumed by
the representatives of the donors at their will. The strenuous advocate
for reducing the clergy to apostolic poverty was not likely to find
favour among the prelates. Wycliffe's only clerical supporters at this
stage were the mendicant friars, from whose characteristic opinions as
regards "evangelical poverty" he never at any time swerved.[1] He was,
however, eloquent and zealous, and he had a following. Fear either of
Wycliffe or of his mendicant allies forced the bishops to take decisive
action. Even Sudbury awoke, "as from deep sleep".[2] The duke's
dangerous supporter was summoned to answer before the bishops at St.
Paul's.

[1] Shirley (preface to _Fasciculi Zizaniorum,_ Rolls Ser., p.
xxvi.) thought that Wycliffe was "the sworn foe of the
mendicants" in 1377, and E.M. Thompson's emphatic words
repudiating the contrary statement of the St. Alban's writer,
_Chron. Anglice,_ p. liii., illustrate the view prevalent in
England in 1874. Lechler's _Wiclif und die Vorgeschichte der
Reformation,_ published in 1873 proves that it was not until
Wycliffe denied the doctrine of transubstantiation in 1379 or
1380 that the friars deserted him.

[2] _Chron. Anglice_, p. 117.

On February 19, Wycliffe appeared in Courtenay's cathedral. Four
mendicant doctors of divinity, chosen by Lancaster, came with him to
defend him against the "possessioners," while the Duke of Lancaster
himself, and Henry Percy, the new marshal, also accompanied him to
overawe the bishops by their authority. The court was to be held in the
lady chapel at the east end of the cathedral, and Wycliffe and his
friends found some difficulty in making their way through the dense
crowd that filled the spacious nave and aisles. Percy, irritated at the
pressure of the throng, began to force it back in virtue of his office.
Courtenay ordered that the marshal should exercise no authority in his
cathedral. Thereupon Percy in a rage declared that he would act as
marshal in the church, whether the bishop liked it or not. When the
lady chapel was reached, there was further disputing as to whether
Wycliffe should sit or stand, and Lancaster taunted Courtenay for
trusting overmuch to the greatness of his family. When the bishop
replied with equal spirit, John muttered: "I would liefer drag him out
of his church by the hair of his head than put up with such insolence".
The words were overheard, and the Londoners, who hated the duke, broke
into open riot at this insult to their bishop. It was rumoured that the
duke had come to St. Paul's, hot from an attack on the liberties of the
city that very morning in parliament. The court broke up in wild
confusion, and the riot spread from church to city. Next day Percy's
house was pillaged, and John's palace of the Savoy attacked. The duke
and the marshal were forced to seek the protection of their opponent,
the Princess of Wales, at Kennington. The followers of Lancaster could
only escape rough treatment by hiding away their lord's badges. The
citizens cried that the Bishop of Winchester and Peter de la Mare
should have a fair trial. At last the personal authority of Bishop
Courtenay restored his unruly flock to order. The old king performed
his last public act by soothing the spokesmen of the citizens with the
pleasant words and easy grace of which he still was master. The
Princess of Wales used her influence for peace, and matters were
smoothed over.

At some risk of personal humiliation, Lancaster secured a substantial
triumph. Convocation followed the lead of parliament and gave an ample
subsidy. William of Wykeham purchased the restoration of his
temporalities by an unworthy deference to Alice Perrers. Wycliffe
remained powerful, flattered, and consulted, though his enemies had
already drawn up secret articles against him, which they had forwarded
to the papal _curia_. Perhaps in the rapidly declining health of the
king all parties saw that their real interest lay in the postponement
of a crisis.

In June Edward lay on his deathbed at Sheen. To the last his talk was
all of hawking and hunting, and his mistress carefully kept from him
all knowledge of his desperate condition. When he sank into his last
lethargy, his courtiers deserted him, and Alice Perrers took to flight
after robbing him of the very rings on his fingers. A simple priest,
brought to the bedside by pity, performed for the half-conscious king
the last offices of religion. Edward was just able to kiss the cross
and murmur "Jesus have mercy". On June 21, 1377, he breathed his last.

With Edward's death we break off a narrative whose course is but half
run. John of Gaunt's rule was not over; Wycliffe was advancing from
discontent to revolt; Chaucer was yet to rise for a higher flight;
Langland had not yet put his complaint into its permanent form; the
French war was renewed almost on the day of Edward's death; popular
irritation against bad government, and social and economic repression
were still preparing for the revolt of 1381. With all its defects the
age of Edward is preeminently a strong age. Greedy, self-seeking,
rough, and violent it may be; its passions and rivalries combined to
make futile the exercise of its strength; it sounded the revolutionary
note of all abrupt ages of transition, and it ends in disaster and
demoralisation at home and abroad. But government is not everything,
and least of all in the Middle Ages when what was then thought vigorous
government appears miserably weak to modern notions. The strong rule
decayed with the failure of the king's personal vigour. The ministers
of Edward's dotage could not hold France nor even keep England quiet.
England had grown impatient of the rule of a despot, though she was not
yet able to govern herself after a constitutional fashion. It is in the
incompatibility of the political ideals of royal authority and
constitutional control, not less than in the want of purpose of her
ruler and in the factions of her nobles that the explanation of the
period must be sought. The age of Edward III. has been alternatively
decried and exalted. Both verdicts are true, but neither contains the
whole truth. The explanation of both is to be found in the annals of a
later age.




APPENDIX.

ON AUTHORITIES.

(1216-1377.)

Our two main sources of knowledge for medieval history are records and
chronicles. Chronicles are more accessible, easier to study, more
continuous, readable, and coloured than records can generally be. Yet
the record far excels the chronicle in scope, authority, and
objectivity, and a prime characteristic of modern research is the
increasing reliance on the record rather than the chronicle as the
sounder basis of historical investigation. The medieval archives of
England, now mainly collected in the Public Record Office, are
unrivalled by those of any other country. From the accession of Henry
III. several of the more important classes of records have become
copious and continuous, while in the course of the reign nearly all the
chief groups of documents have made a beginning. The whole of the
period 1216 to 1377 can therefore be well studied in them.

A large proportion of our archives is taken up with common forms,
technicalities, and petty detail. It will never be either possible or
desirable to print the mass of them _in extenso_, and most of the
efforts made to render them accessible have taken the form of
calendars, catalogues, and inventories. Such attempts began with the
costly and unsatisfactory labours of the Record Commission (dissolved
in 1836); and in recent years the work has again been taken up and
pursued on better lines. The folio volumes of the Record Commission
only remain so far of value as they have not been superseded by the
more scholarly octavo calendars which are now being issued under the
direction of the deputy-keeper of the records. These latter are all
accompanied by copious indices which, though not always to be trusted
implicitly, immensely facilitate the use of them. The records were
preserved by the various royal courts. Of special importance for the
political historian are the records of the Chancery and Exchequer.

Prominent among the Chancery records are the PATENT ROLLS, strips of
parchment sewn together continuously for each regnal year, whereon are
inscribed copies of the letters patent of the sovereign, so called
because they were sent out open, with the great seal pendent. Beginning
in 1200, they present a continuous series throughout all our period,
except for 23 and 24 Henry III. The publication of the complete Latin
text of the _Patent Rolls of Henry III._ is now in progress, and two
volumes have been issued, including respectively the years 1216-1225
and 1225-1232. From the accession of Edward I. onwards the bulk of the
rolls renders the method of a calendar in English more desirable. The
_Calendars of the Patent Rolls_ are now complete from 1272 to 1324 and
from 1327 to 1348 (Edward I., 4 vols.; Edward II., 4 vols.; Edward
III., 7 vols.). For the years not thus yet dealt with the
unsatisfactory _Calendarium Rotulorum Patentium_ (1802, fol.) may still
sometimes be of service.

The letters close, or sealed letters addressed to individuals, usually
of inferior public interest to the letters patent are preserved in the
CLOSE ROLLS, compiled in the same fashion as the Patent Rolls. The
whole extant rolls from 1204 to 1227 are printed in _Rotuli Literarum
Clausarum_ (2 vols. fol., 1833 and 1844, Rec. corn.), and it is
proposed to continue the integral publication of the text for the rest
of Henry III.'s reign on the same plan as that of the Patent Rolls. One
volume of this continuation, 1227-1231 (8vo, 1902), has been issued.
For the subsequent periods a calendar in English is being prepared
similar in type to the _Calendar of Patent Rolls_. The periods at
present covered by the _Calendar of Close Rolls_ (1892-1905) are,
Edward I., 1272-1296 (3 vols.): Edward II., the whole of the reign (4
vols.), and Edward III., 1327-1349 (8 vols.).

A third series of records preserved by the Chancery officials is the
ROLLS OF PARLIAMENT, including the petitions, pleas, and other
parliamentary proceedings. None of these are extant before 1278, and
the series for the succeeding century is often interrupted. Many of
them are printed in the first two folios (vol. i., Edward I. and II.;
vol. ii., Edward III.) of _Rotuli Parliamentorum_ (1767-1777). A
copious index volume was issued in 1832. A specimen of what may still
be looked for is to be found in Professor Maitland's edition of one of
the earliest rolls of parliament in _Memoranda de Parliamento_ (1305)
(Rolls series, 1893) with an admirable introduction. For the reigns of
Edward I. and II. the deficiencies of the published rolls are
supplemented by SIR F. PALGRAVE'S _Parliamentary Writs and Writs of
Military Service_ (vol. i., 1827, Edward I.; vol. ii., 1834, Edward
II., fol., Rec. Corn.) with alphabetical digests and indices.

Formal grants under the great seal called _Charters_, characterised by
a "salutation" clause, the names of attesting witnesses, and, under
Henry III. after 1227, by the final formula _data per manum nostram
apud_, etc., and implying normally the presence of the king, are
contained in the CHARTER ROLLS, extant from the reign of John onwards.
They are roughly analysed in the _Calendarium Rotulorum Chartarum_
(1803, Rec. Com.); and the _Rotuli Chartarum_ (fol., 1837, Rec. Corn.)
contains the rolls _in extenso_ up to 1216, Vol. i., 1226-1257, of an
English _Calendar of Charter Rolls_, printing some of the documents in
full, was published in 1903.

The documents formerly known as ESCHEAT ROLLS, or INQUISITIONES POST
MORTEM, are concerned with the inquiries made by the Crown on the death
of every landholder as to the extent and character of his holding. Some
of the information contained in these inquests was made accessible in
the _Calendarium Inquisitionum sive Eschaetarum_ (vol. i., Henry III.,
Edward I. and II., 1806; vol. ii., Edward III., 1808, fol., Rec.
Corn.). The errors and omissions of these volumes were partially
remedied for the reigns of Henry III. and Edward I. by C. ROBERTS'S
_Calendarium Genealogicum_ (2 vols. 8vo, 1865). A scholarly guide to
all this class of documents has been begun in the new _Calendar of
Inquisitions Post Mortem and other Analogous Documents_, of which vol.
i. (Henry III.) was issued in 1904. The first volume of a separate list
of the analogous inquisitions _Ad pod damnum_ is also announced.

Of the FINE ROLLS containing the records of fines[1] made with the Crown
for licence to alienate, exemption from service, wardships, pardons,
etc., those of Henry III. have been made accessible in C. ROBERTS'S
_Excerpta e Rotulis Finium_, 1216-1272 (1835-36, 8vo). Other rolls such
as the LIBERATE ROLLS have not yet been published for the reigns here
treated.

[1] A _fine_ in this technical sense is an agreement arrived at
by a money transaction.

Of special or local rolls, preserved in the Chancery, the most
important for our period are the GASCON ROLLS. The earlier documents
called by this name are not exclusively concerned with the affairs of
Gascony; they are miscellaneous documents enrolled for convenience in
common parchments by reason of the presence of the king in his
Aquitanian dominions. Of these are F. MICHEL'S _Roles Gascons_, vol.
i., published in the French government series of _Documents Inedits sur
l'Histoire de France_ (1885), including a "fragmentum rotuli
Vasconiae," 1242-1243, and "patentes littere facte in Wasconia,"
1253-1254, years in which Henry III. was actually in Gascony. This
publication was resumed in 1896 by M. CHARLES BEMONT'S _Supplement_ to
Michel's imperfect volume, containing innumerable corrections, an
index, introduction, and some additional rolls of 1254 and 1259-1260.
The later of these, the roll of Edward's delegated administration, is
the first exclusively devoted to the concerns of Gascony. "Gascon
Rolls" in this later sense begin with Edward I.'s accession, and M.
Bemont has undertaken their publication for the whole of Edward's reign
from photographs of the records supplied by the English to the French
government. In 1900 vol. ii. of the _Roles Gascons,_ containing the
years 1273-1290, was issued. Other classes of Chancery Rolls accessible
in print are _Rotuli Scotiae,_ 1291-1516 (2 vols., 1814-1819, Rec.
Corn.), and _Rotuli Walliae_, 5-9 Edward I., privately printed by Sir
Thomas Phillipps (1865). Among isolated Chancery records the _Rotuli
Hundredorum_ (Rec. Corn., 2 vols. fol., 1812-1818), containing the very
important inquests made by Edward I.'s commissioners into the
franchises of the barons, may specially be noticed here.

Of not less importance than the Chancery records are those handed down
from the Court of Exchequer. The most famous of these, the PIPE ROLLS,
which, unlike the Chancery Enrolments, were "filed" or sewn skin by
skin, are decreasingly important from the thirteenth century onwards as
compared with their value for the twelfth. For this reason the Pipe
Roll Society, founded in 1883, only undertook their publication up to
1200. Fragments of Pipe Rolls for our period can be seen in print in
various local histories and transactions, as e.g., "Pipe Rolls of
Northumberland" up to 1272 in HODGSON-HINDE'S History of
Northumberland, pt. iii., vol. iii., and 1273-1284, ed. Dickson
(Newcastle, 1854-60), and of Notts and Derby (translated extracts) in
YEATMAN's _History of Derby_ (1886). The only gap in our series is for
Henry III. Of other Exchequer records we may mention: (i) the
ORIGINALIA ROLLS, containing the estreats or documents from the
Chancery informing the Exchequer of moneys due to it, beginning in 20
Henry III., a summary of which is published in _Rotulorum Originalium_
in Curia _Scaccarii Abbreviatio,_ 20 Henry III,-51 Edward III (2 vols.
fol., Rec. Corn., 1805-1810); (2) the MEMORANDA ROLLS, containing
records of charges upon the Exchequer, etc., are complete for this
period. They were kept by the king's and the treasurer's remembrancer,
and are illustrated in print by extracts from the Memoranda Rolls,
1297, in _Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc.,_ new series, iii.,
281-291(1886), and by the roll of 3 Henry III. in COOPER'S _Proceedings
of the Record Commissioners_ (1833); (3) MINISTERS ACCOUNTS, i.e.,
accounts of royal bailiffs, etc., for royal manors, etc., not included
in the sheriffs' accounts, beginning with Edward I., of which a list is
given in the _P.R.O. Lists and Indexes_, Nos. v. and viii.; (4) of the
PELL RECORDS, recording issues and payments, samples given in DEVON'S
_Issues of the Exchequer_ (Rec. Corn., 8vo, 1837), DEVON'S _Issue Roll
of Thomas of Brantingham in_ 1370 (Rec. Corn., 8vo, 1835). The pells of
receipt were entered on the (5) RECEIPT ROLLS, specimens of which,
along with the corresponding issues, are to be found in SIR JAMES
RAMSAY'S abstracts of issue and receipt rolls for certain years of
Edward III. in the _Antiquary_(1880-1888); (6) SUBSIDY ROLLS of various
types, illustrated by _Nonarum Inquisitiones tempore Edwardi ZZZ._
(Rec. Corn., 1807), the record of a subsidy of a ninth collected by
Edward III. in 1340-1341; (7) WARDROBE and HOUSEHOLD ACCOUNTS
containing for the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries information on
national as well as private royal finance; specimens in print include
the important _Liber Quotidianus Contra-rotulatoris Garderobae_, 28
_Ed. I._(1299-1300), (1787, Soc. Antiq.).

From the Exchequer records come also the following: (1) _Testa de
Neville sive Liber Feodorum temp. Hen. ZZZ. et Edw. I._ (Rec. Corn.,
fol., 1807), a miscellaneous and ill-digested but valuable collection of
thirteenth century inquisitions; (2) _Nomina Villarum, g_ Ed. II.,
published in PALGRAVE'S _Parl. Writs_, ii., iii., 301-416; (3)
_Kirkby's Quest, a_ survey made by Bishop Kirkby, the treasurer, in
1284-85, of which the Yorkshire portion has been printed by the Surtees
Soc., ea. Skaife (1867), and other portions elsewhere; (4) _Taxatio
Ecclesiastica Angliae et Walliae_, 1291 (Rec. Corn., 1802), the
taxation of benefices by Nicholas IV. by which assessments of papal and
ecclesiastical taxes were long made. A very useful compilation,
recently undertaken under the direction of the deputy-keeper, is
_Inquisitions and Assessments relating to Feudal Aids_, 1284-1431, of
which three volumes, dealing in alphabetical order with the shires from
Bedford to Norfolk, are published Cheshire and Durham are entirely
omitted and Lancashire very scantily dealt with as exceptional
jurisdictions. The work is based upon the various lay records
enumerated above and other analogous inquests. Ancient compilations of
miscellaneous documents by officials of the Exchequer are exemplified
in _Liber Niger Scaccarii_ (ed. Hearne, 2 vols., 1774), and in the _Red
Book of the Exchequer_ (ed. H. Hall, 3 vols., Rolls ser., 1896).

The records of the common law courts, the King's Bench and the Court of
Common Pleas, are of less direct historical value than those of the
Chancery and the Exchequer. Extraordinarily bulky, they require a good
deal of sifting to sort the wheat from the chaff. As yet a very small
proportion of them has been printed, and few have even been calendared.
A brief index of them has been compiled in the useful _List of Plea
Rolls_ (1894, _P.R.O. Lists and Indexes_, No. iv.). Of the various
types of these records the FEET OF FINES have been largely used by the
topographer and genealogist, and the feet of fines for many counties
during this period have been calendared, summarised, excerpted, and
printed, wholly or in part, by local archaeological societies, as for
example, W. FARRER'S _Lancashire Final Concords till 1307_ (Rec. Soc.
for Lancashire and Cheshire, 1899), and many others. The PLEA ROLLS are
of wider importance. For the days of Henry III. _Placita Coram Rege_
(_i.e._, of the King's Bench) and the _Placita de Banco_ (_i.e._, of
the Common Pleas in later phrase) are classified as _Rotuli Curiae
Regis_, while the rolls of the local eyres for the same period are
called _Assize Rolls_. Separate series for each court begin with Edward
I. Specimens of most of these types have been printed. _Placitorum
Abbreviatio Ric. I.--Edw. II._ (Rec. Com., fol., 1811) is a careless
seventeenth century abstract. _Placita de Quo Warranto_, Edward I. to
Edward III. (Rec. Com., fol., 1818), is a record of local eyres of
particular importance for the reign of Edward I. as the corollary of
the Hundred Rolls and the attack on the local franchises. HUNTER'S
_Rotuli Selecti_ (Rec. Com., 1834) contains pleas of the reign of Henry
III. A typical year's pleadings of the King's Bench for 1297 is given
in full in PHILLIMORE's _Placita coram rege_, 25 Edward I. (1898,
British Rec. Soc.). Selections from the proceedings of the commission
appointed by Edward I. in 1289 to hear complaints against judges and
officials will shortly be published by Miss Hilda Johnstone and myself
for the Royal Historical Society. Of special importance are the plea
rolls issued by the Selden Society, which include for our period F.W.
MAITLAND'S _Select Pleas of the Crown_, 1200-1225; BAILDON'S _Select
Chancery Pleas_, 1364-1471; J.M. RIGG'S _Select Pleas of the Jewish
Exchequer_; and G.J. TURNER'S _Select Pleas of the Forest_; all have
translations and introductions, of which those of Professor Maitland
are of exceptional value.

To these types must be added the records of the local courts, now
largely also in the Public Record Office, though vast numbers of court
rolls and manorial documents are still in private hands, and among the
archives of ecclesiastical and secular corporations. The Selden Society
has done excellent work in publishing such muniments; as in particular,
MAITLAND'S _Select Pleas in Manorial Courts_, vol. i., Henry III. and
Edward I., illustrating the social and legal life of a medieval
village; MAITLAND and BAILDON'S _Court Baron_; HUNTER' s _Leet
Jurisdiction of Norwich_; C. GROSS's _Select Cases from the Coroners'
Rolls_, 1265-1413. The records of the Bishopric of Durham, the County
Palatine of Chester, the Principality of Wales, and the Duchy of
Lancaster are deposited in the Public Record Office, and calendars and
lists scattered over the _Deputy-Keeper of the Records' Reports_ throw
some light on their contents. Unluckily these records of franchise are
incompletely preserved and often in bad condition. The best preserved
for our period are the Durham records, described in LAPSLEY'S County
_Palatine of Durham_, pp. 327-337 (Harvard Historical Studies); some of
the most important are printed in _Registrum Palatinum Dunelmense_, ed.
Hardy (Rolls Series, 4 vols.), which is also an Episcopal register.
Welsh records may be illustrated by the _Record of Carnarvon_ (Rec.
Corn., fol., 1838). Academic records are illustrated by the Oxford
_Munimenta Academica_ (ed. Anstey), Rolls Series. Municipal records are
very numerous and important; full particulars as to them can be found
in C. Gross's _Bibliography of British Municipal History_ (Harvard
Hist. Studies). Admirably edited examples of our wealth of municipal
records for this period are to be found in _Records of the Borough of
Nottingham_ (ed. W.H. Stevenson), vol. i. (1882); _Records of the
Borough of Leicester_ (ed. Mary Bateson), vols. i. and ii. (1899 and
1901); and _Munimenta Gildhallae Londoniensis_ (ed. H.T. Riley), Rolls
Series. The _Reports of the Historical Manuscripts Commission_ afford
much information as to every type of document in private or local
custody. Ireland and Scotland have archives of their own; but there are
no systematic records in the Register House at Edinburgh before the War
of Independence. Among the enterprises now abandoned of the Public
Record Office were _Calendars of Documents relating to Scotland and
Ireland_. The Scottish series covers all this period (vols. i.-iv.),
the Irish was stopped at 1307. They are derived, by a rather arbitrary
selection, from various classes of English records, but contain much
valuable material. JOSEPH STEVENSON'S _Documents illustrating the
History of Scotland_ (1286-1306) (Scot. Rec. Publications, 1870), and
PALGRAVE'S Documents _and Records illustrating the History of Scotland_
(Rec. Corn., 1837), are useful for the reign of Edward I. as are for
limited periods of it the _Wallace Papers_ (Maitland Club, 1841) and
_Scotland in 1298_ (ed. Gough, 1888).

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