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T. G. Steward - The Colored Regulars in the United States Army

T >> T. G. Steward >> The Colored Regulars in the United States Army




This movement of Colonel Pearson's brigade had not been made without
hardship and loss. All of the regiments came under the enemy's fire
before reaching the San Juan River and many men were killed or wounded
while the regiments were gaining their positions. The movement was so
well executed as to call forth from the division commander the
following enconium: "I observed this movement from the Fort San Juan
Hill. Colonel E.P. Pearson, Tenth Infantry, commanding the Second
Brigade, and the officers and troops under his command deserve great
credit for the soldierly manner in which this movement was executed."

Although we left Wikoff's brigade standing in line on the left of the
lower ford, we must not imagine that it remained in that position
until the above movement on the part of the Second Brigade had been
accomplished. There was no standing still in the fierce fire to which
the men of that brigade were at that time subjected--a fire which had
already cut down in rapid succession three brigade commanders. The
formation was no sooner completed than the rapid advance began. The
Thirteenth Infantry holding the right of the brigade moved to the
right and front, while the Ninth and Twenty-fourth moved almost
directly to the front at first, thus partially gaining the flank of
the enemy's position. The whole line moved with great rapidity across
the open field and up the hill, so that when the Second and Tenth
Infantry came to their position as support, the heroic Third Brigade
was well up the heights. To the right of the Third Brigade the First
Brigade, containing the gallant Sixth, under Colonel Egbert, and the
Sixteenth, was advancing also, and the two brigades arrived at the
fort almost simultaneously; so that the division commander in speaking
of the capture says: "Credit is almost equally due the Sixth, Ninth,
Thirteenth, Sixteenth and Twenty-fourth Regiments of Infantry." To the
Third Brigade he gives the credit of turning the enemy's right.

Let us now examine more closely that sweep of the Third Brigade from
the left of the lower ford to San Juan Hill, in order to trace more
distinctly the pathway of honor made for itself by the Twenty-fourth.
This regiment formed left front into line under fire and advanced over
the flat in good order, and then reformed under shelter of the hill
preparatory to the final charge upon the enemy's intrenchments. The
experience of the companies in crossing the flat is told by the
company commanders. One company under the orders of its captain formed
line of skirmishers and advanced in good order at rapid gait, reaching
the foot of the hill almost exhausted. This was about the experience
of all, but this company is mentioned because it was the first company
of the regiment to reach the top of the hill. In crossing the flat
there was necessarily some mixing of companies and in some instances
men were separated from their officers, but those who escaped the
enemy's bullets made their way across that plain of fire and were
ready to join in the charge up the hill where only brave men could go.

There was but a moment's pause for breath at the foot of the hill and
the general charge all along the line began, the Sixth Infantry
probably taking the initiative, although the gallant Colonel Egbert,
of that regiment (since killed in the Philippines), makes no such
claim. In his farewell official report of the Sixth he thus describes
the final act:

"We were now unexpectedly re-enforced. Lieutenant Parker,
made aware by the heavy fire from the hill that a conflict
was going on in his front, opened fire with his Gatlings
most effectively on the intrenchments, while from far down
on my left I heard cheering and shouts, and saw coming up
the slope towards us a multitude of skirmishers. As they
drew nearer we distinguished the tall figure of General
Hawkins, with his aide, Lieutenant Ord, Sixth Infantry,
charging at the head of the skirmishers and waving their
hats. When the charge came up nearly abreast of where the
Sixth stood in the road I ordered the companies out through
the gaps in the wire fence to join it, and they complied
with the same alacrity and enthusiasm that they had
displayed in entering this bloody field. The Gatlings
redoubled their fierce grinding of bullets on the Spanish,
despite which there still came a savage fire from the
blockhouse and trenches. Here the gallant Captain Wetherell,
Sixth Infantry, fell, shot through the forehead, at the head
of his company, and I received a Mauser bullet through the
left lung, which disabled me. But the blood of the troops
was now up, and no loss of officers or men could stop them.
They charged up the incline until, coming to a steep ridge
near the top, they were brought to a stand by the hail of
bullets from the Gatlings against the summit. As soon as
this could be stopped by a signal, the mingled troops of the
Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth swept up and
over the hill and it was won."

From testimony gathered on the evening of the fight it was concluded
that there were more men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry on the ridge in
this first occupation than of any other regiment, but all of the
regiments of the division had done admirably and the brave blacks of
the Twenty-fourth won on that day a standing in arms with the bravest
of the brave.

The Spaniards although driven from their first line, by no means gave
up the fight; but retreating to a line of intrenchments about eight
hundred yards in the rear they opened upon the new-comers a fire
almost as hot as before, and the troops found it difficult to hold
what they had gained. The supporting regiments were coming up and
strengthening the line, the men meanwhile entrenching themselves under
fire as rapidly as possible. The Thirteenth Infantry was immediately
ordered off to the right to assist the cavalry division, especially
the Rough Riders, who were said to be in danger of having their flank
turned. Here it remained under fire all night.

The advance and charge of the Twenty-fourth made up only a part of the
advance and charge of the Third Brigade; and this in turn was part of
the attack and assault made by the whole infantry division; a movement
also participated in at the same hour by the cavalry division; so that
regarded as a whole, it was a mighty blow delivered on the enemy's
right and centre by two-thirds of the American Army, and its effect
was stunning, although its full weight had not been realized by the
foe. The part sustained in the assault by each regiment may be
estimated by the losses experienced by each in killed and wounded.
Judged by this standard the brunt fell upon the Sixth, Sixteenth,
Thirteenth, and Twenty-fourth, all of which regiments lost heavily,
considering the short time of the action.

The movement by which the Twenty-fourth reached its position on that
memorable 1st of July has called forth especial mention by the
regimental commander and by the acting Assistant Adjutant-General of
the brigade; it was also noted immediately after the battle by all the
newspaper writers as one of the striking occurrences of the day. The
regiment on coming under fire marched about one mile by the left
flank, and then formed left front into line on its leading company,
Company G, commanded by Captain Brereton. The first man of the
regiment to take position in the line was the First Sergeant of G
Company, R.G. Woods. This company when reaching its position formed on
left into line, under a severe fire in front and a fire in the rear;
the other companies forming in the same manner, with more or less
regularity, to its left. As soon as the line was formed the order was
given to charge. The advance was made across an open meadow, during
which several officers were wounded, among them the officers of
Company F, the command of that company devolving upon its First
Sergeant, William Rainey, who conducted the company successfully to
the crest of the hill.

The description of the movement of Company D as given by Lieutenant
Kerwin, who was placed in command of that company after its officers
had been shot, is a very interesting document. Lieutenant Kerwin
claims to have made his report from "close inquiries and from personal
observation." According to this report the company was led across the
San Juan Creek by its Captain (Ducat), the Second Lieutenant of the
company (Gurney) following it, and keeping the men well closed up.
While crossing, the company encountered a terrific fire, and after
advancing about ten yards beyond the stream went through a wire fence
to the right, and advanced to an embankment about twenty yards from
the right bank of the stream. Here Captain Ducat gave the order to
advance to the attack and the whole company opened out in good order
in line of skirmishers and moved rapidly across the open plain to the
foot of San Juan Hill. In making this movement across the plain the
line was under fire and the brave Lieutenant Gurney was killed, and
First Sergeant Ellis, Corporal Keys and Privates Robinson and Johnson
wounded. It was a race with death, but the company arrived at the base
of the hill in good form, though well-nigh exhausted. After breathing
a moment the men were ready to follow their intrepid commander,
Captain Ducat, up the hill, and at twelve o'clock they gained the
summit, being the first company of the regiment to reach the top of
the hill. Just as they reached the crest the brave Ducat fell, shot
through the hip, probably by a Spanish sharpshooter, thus depriving
the company of its last commissioned officer, and leaving its first
sergeant also disabled.

The commander of the regiment speaks of its doings in a very modest
manner, but in a tone to give the reader confidence in what he says.
He became temporarily separated from the regiment, but made his way to
the crest of the hill in company with the Adjutant and there found a
part of his command. He says a creditable number of the men of his
regiment reached the top of the hill among the first to arrive there.
The commander of the Second Battalion, Captain Wygant, crossed the
meadow, or flat, some distance ahead of the battalion, but as the men
subsequently charged up the hill, he was unable to keep up with them,
so rapid was their gait It was from this battalion that Captain
Ducat's company broke away and charged on the right of the battalion,
arriving, as has been said, first on the top of the hill. As the
regiment arrived Captain Wygant, finding himself the ranking officer
on the ground, assembled it and assigned each company its place.
Captain Dodge, who commanded Company C in this assault, and who
subsequently died in the yellow fever hospital at Siboney, mentions
the fact that Captain Wygant led the advance in person, and says that
in the charge across the open field the three companies, C, B and H,
became so intermixed that it was impossible for the company commanders
to distinguish their own men from those of the other companies, yet he
says he had the names of twenty men of his own company who reached the
trenches at Fort San Juan in that perilous rush on that fiery mid-day.
The testimony of all the officers of the regiment is to the effect
that the men behaved splendidly, and eight of them have been given
Certificates of Merit for gallantry in the action of July 1.

The losses of the regiment in that advance were numerous, the killed,
wounded and missing amounted to 96, which number was swelled to 104
during the next two days. So many men falling in so short a time while
advancing in open order tells how severe was the fire they were facing
and serves to modify the opinion which was so often expressed about
the time the war broke out, to the effect that the Spanish soldiers
were wanting both in skill and bravery. They contradicted this both at
El Caney and at San Juan. In the latter conflict they held their
ground until the last moment and inflicted a loss upon their
assailants equal to the number engaged in the defence of the heights.
Since July 1, 1898, expatiation on the cowardice and lack of skill of
the Spanish soldier has ceased to be a profitable literary occupation.
Too many journalists and correspondents were permitted to witness the
work of Spanish sharpshooters, and to see their obstinate resistance
to the advance of our troops, to allow comments upon the inefficiency
of the Spanish Army to pass unnoticed. Our army from the beginning was
well impressed with the character of the foe and nerved itself
accordingly. The bravery of our own soldiers was fully recognized by
the men who surrendered to our army and who were capable of
appreciating it, because they themselves were not wanting in the same
qualities.

[Transcriber's Note: This footnote appeared in the text
without a footnote anchor:

"The intrenchments of San Juan were defended by two
companies of Spanish infantry, numbering about two hundred
and fifty to three hundred men. At about 11 o'clock in the
morning reinforcements were sent to them, bringing the
number up to about seven hundred and fifty men. There were
two pieces of mountain artillery on these hills, the rest of
the artillery fire against our troops on that day being from
batteries close to the city."--In Cuba with Shafter (Miley),
page 117.]




CHAPTER IX.

THE SURRENDER, AND AFTERWARDS.

In the Trenches--The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp--Are
Negro Soldiers Immune?--Camp Wikoff.


After the battle of El Caney the Twenty-fifth Infantry started for the
mango grove, where the blanket rolls and haversacks had been left in
the morning, and on its way passed the Second Massachusetts Volunteers
standing by the roadside. This regiment had seen the charge of the
Twenty-fifth up the hillside, and they now manifested their
appreciation of the gallantry of the black regulars in an ovation of
applause and cheers. This was the foundation for Sergeant Harris'
reply when on another occasion seeing the manifest kind feelings of
this regiment to the Twenty-fifth, I remarked: "Those men think you
are soldiers." "They know we are soldiers," replied the sergeant. The
regiment bivouacked in the main road leading from El Caney to
Santiago, but sleep was out of the question. What with the passing of
packtrains and artillery, and the issuing of rations and ammunition,
the first half of the night gave no time for rest; and shortly after
12 o'clock, apprehensions of a Spanish attack put every one on the
alert. At 3.30 the march to the rear was commenced and the entire
division passed around by El Poso and advanced to the front by the
Aguadores road, finally reaching a position on Wheeler's right about
noon, July 2.

Subsequently the line of investment was extended to the right, the
Cuban forces under General Garcia holding the extreme right
connecting with the water front on that side of the city. Next to them
came Ludlow's McKibben's and Chaffee's forces. In McKibben's brigade
was the Twenty-fifth, which dug its last trench on Cuban soil on July
14th, on the railroad running out from Santiago to the northwest. This
intrenchment was the nearest to the city made by any American
organization, and in this the regiment remained until the surrender.

The Twenty-fourth remained entrenched over to the left, in General
Kent's division, lying to the right of the 21st. This regiment (24th)
had won great credit in its advance upon the enemy, but it was to win
still greater in the field of humanity. Capt. Leavel, who commanded
Company A, said: "It would be hard to particularize in reporting upon
the men of the company. All--non-commissioned officers, privates, even
newly joined recruits--showed a desire to do their duty, yea, more
than their duty, which would have done credit to seasoned veterans.
Too much cannot be said of their courage, willingness and endurance."
Captain Wygant, who commanded the Second Battalion of the regiment,
says: "The gallantry and bearing shown by the officers and soldiers of
the regiment under this trying ordeal was such that it has every
reason to be proud of its record. The losses of the regiment, which
are shown by the official records, show the fire they were subjected
to. The casualties were greater among the officers than the men, which
is accounted for by the fact that the enemy had posted in the trees
sharpshooters, whose principal business was to pick them off." There
is no countenance given in official literature to the absurd notion
maintained by some, that it was necessary for the officers of black
troops to expose themselves unusually in order to lead their troops,
and that this fact accounts for excessive losses among them. The fact
is that the regular officer's code is such that he is compelled to
occupy the place in battle assigned him in the tactics, and no matter
how great his cowardice of heart may be, he must go forward until
ordered to halt. The penalty of cowardice is something to be dreaded
above wounds or even death by some natures. "Colored troops are brave
men when led by white officers."(?) As a matter of fact there is very
little leading of any sort by officers in battle. The officer's place
is in the rear of the firing line, directing, not leading, and it is
his right and duty to save his own life if possible, and that of every
man in his command, even while seeking to destroy the enemy, in
obedience to orders. The record of the Twenty-fourth for bravery was
established beyond question when it swept across that open flat and up
San Juan Hill on that hot mid-day of July 1st, 1898.

After lying in the trenches until July 15th, the news reached the camp
of the Twenty-fourth that yellow fever had broken out in the army, and
that a large hospital and pest-house had been established at Siboney.
About 4 o'clock that day an order came to the commanding officer of
the regiment directing him to proceed with his regiment to Siboney and
report to the medical officer there. The regiment started on its march
at 5.30, numbering at that time 8 companies, containing 15 officers
and 456 men. Marching on in the night, going through thickets and
across streams, the men were heard singing a fine old hymn:

When through the deep waters I call thee to go,
The rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow;
For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless,
And sanctify to thee they deepest distress.

In view of what was before them, the words were very appropriate. They
arrived on the hill at Siboney at 3.30 on the morning of July 16th.

Without discussing the graphic story told by correspondents of the
highest respectability describing the regiment as volunteering, to a
man, to nurse the sick and dying at Siboney, we will rather follow the
official records of their doings in that fever-stricken place. On
arriving at Siboney on the morning of July 16, Sunday, Major Markely,
then in command of the regiment, met Colonel Greenleaf of the Medical
Department, and informed him that the Twenty-fourth Infantry was on
the ground. Colonel Greenleaf was just leaving the post, but Major La
Garde, his successor, manifested his great pleasure in seeing this
form of assistance arrive. Such a scene of misery presented itself to
Major Markely's eyes that he, soldier as he was, was greatly affected,
and assured Major La Garde that he was prepared personally to sink
every other consideration and devote himself to giving what assistance
he could in caring for the sick, and that he believed his whole
regiment would feel as he did when they came to see the situation. In
this he was not mistaken. The officers and men of the Twenty-fourth
Infantry did give themselves up to the care of the sick and dying,
furnishing all help in their power until their own health and strength
gave way, in some instances laying down even their lives in this noble
work.

On the day of arrival seventy men were called for to nurse yellow
fever patients and do other work about the hospital. More than this
number immediately volunteered to enter upon a service which they
could well believe meant death to some of them. The camp was so
crowded and filthy that the work of cleaning it was begun at once by
the men of the Twenty-fourth, and day by day they labored as their
strength would permit, in policing the camp, cooking the food for
themselves and for the hospital, unloading supplies, taking down and
removing tents, and numberless other details of necessary labor.
Despite all the care that could be taken under such conditions as were
found at Siboney, the yellow fever soon overran the entire camp, and
of the 16 officers of the regiment, 1 had died, 2 more were expected
to die; 3 were dangerously ill, and 5 more or less so. Out of the
whole sixteen there were but three really fit for duty, and often out
of the whole regiment it would be impossible to get 12 men who could
go on fatigue duty. Out of the 456 men who marched to Siboney only 24
escaped sickness, and on one day 241 were down. Those who would
recover remained weak and unfit for labor. Silently, without
murmuring, did these noble heroes, officers and men, stand at their
post ministering to the necessities of their fellowman until the
welcome news came that the regiment would be sent north and the
hospital closed as soon as possible. On August 8 Major La Garde, more
entitled to the honor of being classed among the heroes of Santiago
than some whose opportunities of brilliant display were vastly
superior, succumbed to the disease. The fact should be borne in mind
that all of these men, officers, soldiers and surgeons, went upon this
pest-house duty after the severe labors of assault of July 1-2, and
the two weeks of terrible strain and exposure in the trenches before
Santiago, and with the sick and wounded consequent upon these battles
and labors--none were strong.

On July 16th, the day after the Twenty-fourth left the trenches, the
surrender was made and on the next morning the final ceremonies of
turning over Santiago to the American forces took place, and the
soldiers were allowed to come out of their ditches and enter into
more comfortable camps. The hardships of the period after the
surrender were not much less than those experienced while in the
lines.

On the 26th of August the Twenty-fourth Infantry, having obtained an
honorable release from its perilous duty, marched out of Siboney with
band playing and colors flying to go on board the transport for
Montauk; but of the 456 men who marched into Siboney, only 198 were
able to march out, directed by 9 out of the 15 officers that marched
in with them. Altogether there were 11 officers and 289 men who went
on board the transport, but all except the number first given were
unable to take their places in the ranks. They went on board the
steamer Nueces, and coming from an infected camp, no doubt great care
was taken that the transport should arrive at its destination in a
good condition. Although there was sickness on board, there were no
deaths on the passage, and the Nueces arrived in port "one of the
cleanest ships that came to that place." The official report states
that the Nueces arrived at Montauk Point September 2, with 385 troops
on board; 28 sick, no deaths on the voyage, and not infected. Worn out
by the hard service the regiment remained a short time at Montauk and
then returned to its former station, Fort Douglass, Utah, leaving its
camp at Montauk in such a thoroughly creditable condition as to elicit
official remark.

While the Twenty-fourth Infantry had without doubt the hardest
service, after the surrender, of any of the colored regiments, the
others were not slumbering at ease. Lying in the trenches almost
constantly for two weeks, drenched with rains, scorched by the burning
sun at times, and chilled by cool nights, subsisting on food not of
the best and poorly cooked, cut off from news and kept in suspense,
when the surrender finally came it found our army generally very
greatly reduced in vital force. During the period following, from July
16th to about the same date in August the re-action fell with all its
weight upon the troops, rendering them an easy prey to the climatic
influences by which they were surrounded.[20] Pernicious malarial
fever, bowel troubles and yellow fever were appearing in all the
regiments; and the colored troops appeared as susceptible as their
white comrades. The theory had been advanced that they were less
susceptible to malarial fever, and in a certain sense this appears to
be true; but the experience of our army in Cuba, as well as army
statistics published before the Cuban War, do not bear out the popular
view of the theory. The best that can be said from the experience of
Cuba is to the effect that the blacks may be less liable to yellow
fever and may more quickly rally from the effects of malarial fever.
These conclusions are, however, by no means well established. The
Twenty-fourth suffered excessively from fevers of both kinds, and in
the judgment of the commanding officer of the regiment "effectually
showed that colored soldiers were not more immune from Cuban fever
than white," but we must remember that the service of the
Twenty-fourth was exceptional. The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost but one
man during the whole campaign from climatic disease, John A. Lewis,
and it is believed that could he have received proper medical care his
life would have been saved. Yet this regiment suffered severely from
fever as did also the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry.

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