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T. G. Steward - The Colored Regulars in the United States Army



T >> T. G. Steward >> The Colored Regulars in the United States Army

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What was this new era? Printing had been invented, commerce had
arisen, gunpowder had come into use, the feudal system was passing,
royal authority had become paramount, and Spain was giving to the
world its first lessons in what was early stigmatized as the "knavish
calling of diplomacy."

Now began the halcyon days of Spain, and what a breed of men she
produced! Read the story of their conquests in Mexico and Peru, as
told with so much skill and taste by our own Prescott; or read of the
grandeur of her national character, and the wonderful valor of her
troops, and the almost marvelous skill of her Alexander of Parma, and
her Spinola, as described by our great Motley, and you will see
something of the moral and national glory of that Spain which under
Charles V and Philip II awed the world into respectful silence.

Who but men of iron, under a commander of steel, could have conducted
to a successful issue the awful siege of Antwerp, and by a discipline
more dreadful than death, kept for so many years, armed control of the
country of the brave Netherlanders? A Farnese was there, who could
support and command an army, carry Philip and his puerile
idiosyncrasies upon his back and meet the fury of an outraged people
who were fighting on their own soil for all that man holds dear. Never
was wretched cause so ably led, never were such splendid talents so
unworthily employed.

Alexander of Parma, Cortez, the Pizarros, were representatives of that
form of human character that Spain especially developed. Skill and
daring were brought out in dazzling splendor, and success followed
their movements. Take a brief survey of the Empire under Charles V:
Himself Emperor of Germany; his son married to the Queen of England;
Turkey repulsed; France humbled, and all Europe practically within his
grasp. And what was Spain outside of Europe? In America she possessed
territory covering sixty degrees of latitude, owning Mexico, Central
America, Venezuela, New Granada, Peru and Chili, with vast parts of
North America, and the islands of Cuba, Jamaica and St. Domingo. In
Africa and Asia she had large possessions--in a word, the energies of
the world were at her feet. The silver and gold of America, the
manufactures and commerce of the Netherlands, combined to make her the
richest of nations.

The limits of the present purpose do not permit an exhaustive
presentation of her material strength in detail, nor are the means at
hand for making such an exhibit. We must be content with a general
picture, quoted directly from Motley. He says:

"Look at the broad magnificent Spanish Peninsula, stretching across
eight degrees of latitude and ten of longtitude, commanding the
Atlantic and the Mediterranean, with a genial climate, warmed in
winter by the vast furnace of Africa, and protected from the scorching
heats of summer by shady mountain and forest, and temperate breezes
from either ocean. A generous southern territory, flowing with oil and
wine, and all the richest gifts of a bountiful nature--splendid
cities--the new and daily expanding Madrid, rich in the trophies of
the most artistic period of the modern world; Cadiz, as populous at
that day as London, seated by the straits where the ancient and modern
systems of traffic were blending like the mingling of the two oceans;
Granada, the ancient, wealthy seat of the fallen Moors; Toledo,
Valladolid, and Lisbon, chief city of the recently conquered kingdom
of Portugal, counting with its suburbs a larger population than any
city excepting Paris, in Europe, the mother of distant colonies, and
the capital of the rapidly-developing traffic with both the
Indies--these were some of the treasures of Spain herself. But she
possessed Sicily also, the better portion of Italy, and important
dependencies in Africa, while the famous maritime discoveries of the
age had all enured to her aggrandizement. The world seemed suddenly to
have expanded its wings from East to West, only to bear the fortunate
Spanish Empire to the most dizzy heights of wealth and power. The most
accomplished generals, the most disciplined and daring infantry the
world has ever known, the best equipped and most extensive navy, royal
and mercantile, of the age, were at the absolute command of the
sovereign. Such was Spain."

Such is not Spain to-day. A quite recent writer, speaking of Spain
before the war, said, that although Spain in extent holds the sixth
place in the European states, "it really now subsists merely by the
sufferance of stronger nations." Thus has that nation, which three
centuries ago dominated the world, lost both its position and its
energy.

Without attempting to sketch chronologically, either this rise or this
decline, let us rather direct our efforts to an inquiry into the
causes of both the one and the other.

In attempting to explain the greatness of Spain we must give first
place to the vigor of the Spanish race. The great Spaniard was a
mighty compound. He had the blood of Rome mingled with the awful
torrent that gave birth to the soulless Goths and Vandals. In him also
flowed the hot blood of the Moors. He was both sturdy and fiery; he
had the fervor of the South with the tenacity of the North; the pride
of the Roman with the passion of the Moor. The Spanish race was
emphatically a rich race.

And then we must remember that this race had been forged in war.
Century after century, from the earliest times, they had lived with
their arms in their hands. First came the long war between the Arian
Vandals, and the Trinitarian natives; then the seven-hundred-year war
with the followers of Mahomed. The whole mission of life to them was
to fight.

Naturally there was developed in the people at large the most complete
unification and subjection. Individualism gave place almost entirely
to the common weal, and the spectacle was presented of a nation with
no political questions. Maccaulay maintains that human nature is such
that aggregations of men will always show the two principles of
radicalism and conservatism, and that two parties will exist in
consequence, one composed of those who are ever looking to a brighter
future, the other of those who are ever seeking to restore a
delightful past; but no such phenomena appear in the ascending period
of Spain's history. The whole nation moved as an organized army,
steadily forward, until its zenith was reached. This solidity was a
marked element of its strength.

Mr. Buckle recognizes this, and accounts for the harmonious movements
of the nation by the influence of two leading principles, which he is
pleased to call superstition and loyalty. The Arab invasion had
pressed upon the Christians with such force that it was only by the
strictest discipline that the latter had managed to survive. To secure
such discipline, and at the same time supply the people with the
steady enthusiasm necessary to support a war from century to century,
all the terrors and all the glories that could be derived from
religion were employed. The church and the state, the prince and the
priest, became as one, and loyalty and religion, devotion to the
standard and to the cross, were but different names for the same
principles and actions. Hence Spain emerged to greatness without the
least dream of liberty of either person, conscience or thought. Her
rallying cry was: For the Prince and the Church; not, For God and
Liberty. She went up to greatness the most loyal and the most
religious of nations; but Liberty, Justice and Truth were not upon her
banners.

Look over the territory settled and conquered by her, and what do we
see? Columbus, sailing under Spain, names the first land he discovers
San Salvador; the first settlement made in this country is St.
Augustine; the second, Sante Fe. Look down over the southern half of
our continent and such names as Espirito Santo, Corpus Christi, San
Diego, San Juan, San Jose, San Domingo attest the religious zeal of
the conquerors. They were missionaries of the Cross, robbing the
people of their gold and paying them off with religion.

Steadfast in the faith and sturdy in her loyalty, Spain resisted all
innovations with respect to her religious beliefs, and all
insurrections against her government. Her Alva and her Torquemada but
illustrated how strong was her conservatism, while her Isabella and
her Philip II show how grand and comprehensive and how persistent was
her aggressiveness, under the idea of spreading and upholding the true
faith. She not only meant to hold all she had of wealth and power, but
she aspired to universal dominion; already chief, she desired to be
sole, and this in the interest and name of the Holy Church.

The Reformation did not disturb Spain; it was crushed out within
twenty years. The spirit of liberty that had been growing in England
since Bosworth's Field, and that was manifesting itself in Germany and
the Netherlands, and that had begun to quiver even in France, did not
dare stir itself in Spain. Spain was united, or rather, was solidity
itself, and this solidity was both its strength and its death. England
was not so united, and England went steadily onward and upward; but
Spain's unity destroyed her, because it practically destroyed
individualism and presented the strange paradox of a strong nation of
weak men.

As a machine Spain in the sixteenth century was a marvel of power; as
an aggregation of thinking men, it was even then contemptible.
Ferdinand, Charles V and Philip II were able and illustrious rulers,
and they appeared at a time when their several characters could tell
on the immediate fortunes of Spain. They were warriors, and the nation
was entirely warlike. During this period the Spaniard overran the
earth, not that he might till the soil, but that he might rob the man
who did. With one hand he was raking in the gold and silver of Mexico
and Peru; with the other confiscating the profits of the trade and
manufactures of the Low Countries--and all in the name of the Great
God and Saints!

How was Spain overthrown? The answer is a short one. Spain, under
Philip II staked her all upon a religious war against the awakening
age. She met the Reformation within her own borders and extinguished
it; but thought had broken loose from its chains and was abroad in the
earth. England had turned Protestant, and Elizabeth was on the throne;
Denmark, Norway and Sweden, indeed all countries except Spain and
Italy had heard the echoes from Luther's trumpet blast. Italy
furnished the religion, and Spain the powder, in this unequal fight
between the Old and the New. Spain was not merely the representative
of the old, she WAS the old, and she armed her whole strength in its
behalf.

Here was a religion separated from all moral principle and devoid of
all softening sentiment--its most appropriate formula being, death to
all heretics. Death--not to tyrants, not to oppressors, not to robbers
and men-stealers--but death to _heretics_. It was this that equipped
her Armada.

The people were too loyal and too pious to THINK, and so were hurled
in a solid mass against the armed thought of the coming age, and a
mighty nation crumbled as in a day. With the destruction of her Armada
her warlike ascendancy passed and she had nothing to put in its place.
She had not tillers of the soil, mechanics or skilled merchants.
Business was taking the place of war all over the world, but Spain
knew only religion and war, hence worsted in her only field, she was
doomed.

From the days of Philip II her decline was rapid. Her territory
slipped from her as rapidly as it had been acquired. Her great domains
on our soil are now the seat of thriving communities of
English-speaking people. The whole continent of South America has
thrown off her yoke, though still retaining her language, and our
troops now embarked from Port Tampa are destined to wrest from her the
two only remaining colonies subject to her sway in the Western
World,--Cuba and Porto Rico. With all her losses hitherto, Spain has
not learned wisdom. Antagonistic to truth and liberty, she seems to
sit in the shadow of death, hugging the delusions that have betrayed
her, while all other people of earth are pressing onward toward light
and liberty.

The struggle in Cuba had been going on for years, and in that colony
of less than two millions of inhabitants, many of whom were Spaniards,
there was now an army four times as large as the standing army of the
United States. Against this army and against the Government of Spain a
revolt had been carried on previous to the present outbreak for a
period of ten years, and which had been settled by concessions on the
part of the home government. The present revolt was of two years'
standing when our government decided to interfere. The Cubans had
maintained disorder, if they had not carried on war; and they had
declined to be pacified. In their army they experienced no color
difficulties. Gomez, Maceo and Quintin Banderas were generals honored
and loved, Maceo especially coming to be the hero and idol of the
insurgents of all classes. And it can truthfully be said that no man
in either the Cuban or Spanish army, in all the Cuban struggle
previous to our intervention, has earned a loftier fame as patriot,
soldier and man of noble mould than ANTONIO MACEO.

Cuba, by far the most advanced of all the West Indian colonies; Cuba,
essentially Spanish, was destined to be the battle ground between our
troops and the veterans of Spain. The question to be settled was that
of Spain's sovereignty. Spain's right to rule over the colonies of
Cuba and Porto Rico was disputed by the United States, and this
question, and this alone, is to be settled by force of arms. Further
than this, the issue does not go. The dictum of America is: Spain
shall not rule. The questions of Annexation, Expansion and Imperialism
were not before us as we launched our forces to drive Spain out of the
West Indies. The Cuban flag was closely associated with our own
standard popularly, and "Cuba Libre" was a wide-spread sentiment in
June, 1898. "We are ready to help the Cubans gain their liberty" was
the honest expression of thousands who felt they were going forward in
a war for others.




CHAPTER V.

PASSAGE, LANDING, AND FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA.

The Tenth Cavalry at Guasimas--The "Rescue of the Rough
Riders"--Was There an Ambush?--Notes.


"The passage to Santiago was generally smooth and uneventful," says
General Shafter in his official report. But when the fact is called to
mind that the men had been on board a week before sailing, and were a
week more on the passage, and that "the conveniences on many of the
transports in the nature of sleeping accommodations, space for
exercise, closet accommodations, etc., were not all that could have
been desired," and that the opinion was general throughout the army
that the travel ration was faulty, it cannot be doubted that the trip
was a sore trial to the enlisted men at least. The monotonous days
passed in the harbor at Port Tampa, while waiting for orders to sail,
were unusually trying to the men. They were relieved somewhat by
bathing, swimming, gaming and chatting on the coming events. A soldier
who was in one of the colored regiments describes the inside life of
one of the transports as follows: "After some miles of railroad travel
and much hustling we were put on board the transport. I say _on
board_, but it is simply because we cannot use the terms _under
board_. We were huddled together below two other regiments and under
the water line, in the dirtiest, closest, most sickening place
imaginable. For about fifteen days we were on the water in this dirty
hole, but being soldiers we were compelled to accept this without a
murmur. We ate corn beef and canned tomatoes with our hard bread
until we were anything but half way pleased. In the fifth or sixth day
out to sea the water furnished us became muddy or dirty and well
flavored with salt, and remained so during the rest of the journey.
Then, the ship's cooks, knowing well our condition made it convenient
to themselves to sell us a glass of clean ice water and a small piece
of bread and tainted meat for the sum of seventy-five cents, or one
dollar, as the case might be."

A passage from Port Tampa, around the eastern end of Cuba, through the
Windward Passage, even in June, is ordinarily pleasant. On the deck of
a clean steamer, protected from the sun's rays by a friendly awning,
it may be put down as nearly an ideal pleasure trip; but crowded into
freight ships as these men were, many of them clad in thick and
uncomfortable clothing, reduced to the uninviting travel ration,
compelled to spend most of the time below decks, occupied with
thoughts of home and friends, and beset with forebodings of coming
events, it was very far from being to them a pastime. Of the thousands
who are going to Cuba to magnify the American flag, not all will
return. Occasionally the gay music of the bands would relieve the dull
routine and cause the spirits to rise under the effects of some
enlivening waltz or stirring patriotic air; or entering a school of
flying fish the men would be entertained to see these broad-finned
creatures dart from the waves like arrows from the bow, and after a
graceful flight of perhaps near two hundred yards drop again into the
sea; but taken altogether it was a voyage that furnishes little for
the historian.

The transports were so arranged as to present an interesting and
picturesque spectacle as they departed from our shores on their ocean
march. Forming in three columns, with a distance of about 1,000 yards
between the columns, and the vessels in the columns being distanced
from one another about 400 yards, the fleet was convoyed from Port
Tampa by small naval vessels until it reached a point between the Dry
Tortugas and Key West. Here it was met by the noble battleship Indiana
and nine other war vessels, thus making a convoy altogether of fifteen
fighting craft. Transports and convoy now made an armada of more than
forty ships, armed and manned by the audacious modern republic whose
flag waved from every masthead. Thus spreading out over miles of
smooth sea, moving quietly along by steam, carrying in its arms the
flower of the American army, every man of which was an athlete, this
fleet announced to the world the grim purpose of a nation aroused.

The weather from the time of leaving Port Tampa continued fine until
the fleet entered the passage between the western coast of Hayti and
the eastern end of Cuba, known as the Windward Passage, when the
breeze freshened and a rough sea began, continuing more or less up to
the time of landing. Rounding this eastern coast of Cuba the fleet
headed its course westerly and on the morning of the 20th was able to
determine its position as being off Guantanamo Bay, about fifty miles
east of Santiago. Here, eight days before, the first battle on Cuban
soil, in which four American marines were killed, had been fought.
About noon on the same day, the fleet came to a halt off Santiago
harbor, or a little to the west of the entrance to it, and Admiral
Sampson came on board. He and General Shafter soon after went ashore
to consult the Cuban General, Garcia, who was known to be in that
vicinity with about 4,000 well armed troops.

The voyage over, and the men having been crowded together on
shipboard for nearly two weeks, it was now expedient to get them on
shore as soon as possible. But it was necessary to find out beforehand
what defences were along the coast, and what forces of the enemy were
likely to be encountered in landing. The fleet lay off from the shore
about a mile, and it was no small undertaking to convey the 17,000 men
on board with all their arms and equipments to the shore in small
boats over a rough sea, especially should the landing be disputed. It
was to arrange for the landing and also to map out a general plan of
campaign that the three great leaders, Shafter, Sampson and Garcia met
at Aserradores on the afternoon of June 20th as the American fleet
stood guard over the harbor of Santiago.

General Garcia was already aware of the coming of the fleet, having
received a message from Major-General Miles two weeks previous. The
letter of General Miles ran as follows:


Headquarters of the Army,
In the Field, Tampa, Fla., June 2, 1898.

Dear General:--I am very glad to have received your
officers, General Enrique Collazo and Lieut.-Col. Carlos
Hernandez, the latter of whom returns to-night with our best
wishes for your success.

It would be a very great assistance if you could have as
large a force as possible in the vicinity of the harbor of
Santiago de Cuba, and communicate any information by signals
which Colonel Hernandez will explain to you either to our
navy or to our army on its arrival, which we hope will be
before many days.

It would also assist us very much if you could drive in and
harass any Spanish troops near or in Santiago de Cuba,
threatening or attacking them at all points, and preventing,
by every means, any possible re-enforcement coming to that
garrison. While this is being done, and before the arrival
of our army, if you can seize and hold any commanding
position to the east or west of Santiago de Cuba, or both,
that would be advantageous for the use of our artillery, it
will be exceedingly gratifying to us."

To this General Garcia replied that he would "take measures at once to
carry out your (Miles') recommendation, but concentration of forces
will require some time. Roads bad and Cubans scattered. Will march
without delay." Admiral Sampson also cabled the Secretary of the Navy
that Garcia "regards his (Miles') wishes and suggestions as orders,
and immediately will take measures to concentrate forces at the points
indicated, but he is unable to do so as early as desired on account of
his expedition at Banes Port, Cuba, but will march without delay. All
of his subordinates are ordered to assist to disembark the United
States troops and to place themselves under orders." It was in
compliance with these requests that General Garcia had the five
thousand troops so near Santiago at the time he welcomed Shafter and
Sampson to his camp, as mentioned above, and there is every necessary
evidence that these Cuban troops took part in the fight about
Santiago. Says General Miles of Garcia: "He had troops in the rear as
well as on both sides of the garrison at Santiago before the arrival
of our troops."

It was agreed that the force of five hundred men under General
Castillo, posted near Daiquiri, should be increased to 1,000, and
should be prepared to make an attack upon the rear of the Spanish
garrison at Daiquiri on the morning of the 22nd, at which time the
debarkation would begin. General Rabi with about 500 men was also to
attack Cabanas at the same time, in the same manner, the transports
and war vessels so manoeuvring as to give the impression that a
landing was to be made at that place. While these attacks in the rear
were distracting the garrisons, the navy, by order of Admiral Sampson,
was to start up a vigorous bombardment of all the villages along the
coast, thus clearing the shore for the landing of the army. Thus did
the conference unite the hands of Americans and Cubans in the fight
against Spain on Cuban soil, and each was pledged to the other by the
expressions of good will. Having accomplished its work the important
conference closed, Admiral Sampson and General Shafter to return to
their ships, and General Garcia to carry out the part of the work
assigned to him, which he did with fidelity and success.[15]

According to orders published on the 20th, General Lawton's Division,
known as the Second Division, Fifth Army Corps, was to disembark
first. This Division contained the three following Brigades: The
First, General Ludlow's, composed of the Eighth and Twenty-second
Infantry (regulars) and the Second Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry;
the Second Brigade, General Miles', composed of the Fourth and
Twenty-fifth Infantry (regulars); the Third Brigade, General
Chaffee's, containing the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth Infantry
(regulars). Next to follow was General Bates' Brigade, which was to
act as reserve to Lawton's Division. This Brigade consisted of the
Third and Twentieth Infantry (regulars) and one squadron of the Second
Cavalry, the only mounted troops in Shafter's army. The cavalry,
however, were not to disembark with the Brigade, but were to be the
last troops to leave the transports. After Bates' Brigade, was to
follow Wheeler's Dismounted Cavalry Division, containing the two
following Brigades: The First, composed of the Third, Sixth and Ninth
Cavalry (regulars); the Second, composed of the First and Tenth
Cavalry (regulars) and the First Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders). To
follow the Cavalry Division was to come the First Division, General
Kent's, containing the following troops: The First Brigade, General
Hawkins', consisting of the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry (regulars)
and the Seventy-first New York Volunteer Infantry; the Second Brigade,
General Pearson's, consisting of the Second, Tenth and Twenty-first
Infantry (regulars); the Third Brigade, Colonel Wikoffs, made up of
the Ninth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth Infantry (regulars). Then,
lastly, was to depart the squadron of mounted cavalry.

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