Theophilus Cibber - The Lives of the Poets of Great Britain and Ireland (1753)

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Whether lord Broghill was serious in this proposal cannot be
determined; but if he was, it is certain, he had a mean opinion of
Charles; to have capitulated upon any terms with Cromwell, would have
been betraying the dignity of his birth, and his right to reign; but
to have stooped so low, as to take to his arms a child of his, who had
murdered his father, and driven him to his exile, would have been an
instance of the most infamous meanness that ever was recorded in
history; and all the blemishes of that luxurious Prince's character,
and the errors of his reign collected, do not amount to any thing so
base, as would have been those nuptials.

In the year 1656 it was proposed to his lordship by the Protector to
go down to Scotland, with an absolute authority, either because he
suspected Monk, or was willing to give the people of that country some
satisfaction, who complained of his severity; but he was very
unwilling to receive the charge, and took it at last upon these
conditions[7]: The first was: that he should be left to himself, and
receive no orders; and the second, that no complaints should find
credit, or procure directions in his absence; and the third, that he
should be recalled in a year. He was very acceptable to the Scotch,
and gained a great influence over them by speaking and acting with
moderation. After his return, he was with Whitlock and Thurloe
admitted into all the confidence that could be expected from a person
in the Protector's circumstances; who if he had any chearful moments,
spent them in their company, where he appeared quite another person
than in the ordinary course of his conduct, which was built on a
policy suited to his condition, the people he had to deal with, and
the critical juncture of the times. Our author stood high in
Cromwell's favour to the last; and it was, no doubt, in some measure
owing to his gratitude, that he attached himself so firmly to his son
and successor Richard. It perhaps will appear strange, but it is
supported by evidence, that Cromwell did not love his own family so
well as lord Broghill did. Being asked upon his death-bed whom he
appointed his successor, he answered, "That in such a closet his will
would be found," in which he named Fleetwood, but one of the
Protector's daughters getting first to the drawer, she took the will
and destroyed it[8].

Thus Richard against his father's intention obtained the government,
which, however, it is very plain he was not fit to hold; for all the
art and industry of Broghill could never so govern his proceedings,
but that some steps either too violent or too remiss were taken, by
which his administration fell into contempt; and doubtless the reason
why Cromwell excluded his son, was, that he discovered his weakness,
and found him without a capacity of reigning. When the oppression of
committees, the general distraction amongst the people, and the
anarchy into which the English affairs had fallen, began to point
towards a restoration, we find lord Broghill declaring early for the
King, going over into Ireland, there sounding the minds of the
officers, and preparing that kingdom for the reception of his Majesty
with open arms.

Thus we have seen him discharge with honour the debt of gratitude he
owed to Cromwell; but notwithstanding the figure he made in the
service, it is by no means clear that ever he was warmly attached to
the republic; he was detected in having drank the King's health in
company with the Protector's children, which Oliver very prudently
thought proper to pass over. After the restoration, Broghill wanted
not enemies, who insinuated things against him to King Charles, and
blamed his tardiness in procuring his Majesty's return; but his
lordship made it clear, that he was the first who declared for him in
Ireland, and the most zealous, as well as the most powerful promoter
of his interest. His Majesty was so well satisfied with his lordship's
proceedings, that he wrote to him with his own hand, and thanked him
for his loyalty[9]. On September 5, 1660, as an incontested proof of
his Majesty's affection for his lordship, he by letters patent
advanced him to the honour of earl of Orrery in the county of
Cork[10]; and Sir Maurice Eustace, a friend of the duke of Ormond's,
being appointed chancellor, Roger earl of Orrery, and Charles Coote,
earl of Montrath, were with him made lords justices, about the close
of that memorable year.

From that time till his death we find lord Orrery in the highest
esteem in the three nations: He was employed by his Majesty to confer
with the earl of Clarendon, whose imperious steps, it seems, had
highly disobliged his master, and when that great man fell, the King
made an offer of the seals to the earl of Orrery, who on account of
his want of bodily vigour, declined it. At the same time he accepted a
most arduous and unpleasing office from the King, and that was, to
expostulate with the duke of York, and bring him to ask pardon for the
haughty and insolent measures he took in supporting the chancellor.

His Majesty warmly pressed him to become a favourer of the French
alliance, and for the reduction of the Dutch; neither of which were at
all agreeable to his notions, and therefore that he might more
concisely express the mischievous consequences he apprehended from
these measures, he reduced his thoughts into a poem; and this was very
well received by the King, who thought to have made some impression on
him, in his turn, in a long audience he gave him for that purpose; but
the earl's duty would not permit him to coincide in his opinion with
the King, when he was sensible that the King's scheme was contrary to
the interest of the nation; and this led him in plain terms to
declare, that he never would concur in counsels to aggrandize France,
which was already too great; or to break the power of the Dutch, which
was barely sufficient for their own defence[11].

There is a particular circumstance in relation to this affair, which
must not be omitted. When lord Orrery came from the audience of his
Majesty, he was met by the earl of Danby, who asked him, whether he
had closed with the King's proposals; to which lord Orrery answered,
no. Then replied the other statesman, "Your lordship may be the
honester man, but you will never be worth a groat." This passage is
the more remarkable, because Danby was of the same opinion with
Orrery, and temporized purely for the sake of power, which cost him
afterwards a long imprisonment, and had very near lost him his life:
So dear do such men often pay for sacrificing honour to interest. In
the year 1679, Oct. 16, this great statesman died in the full
possession of honours and fame: he had lived in the most tumultuous
times; he had embarked in a dangerous ocean, and he had the address to
steer at last to a safe haven. As a man, his character was very
amiable; he was patient, compassionate, and generous; as a soldier, he
was of undaunted courage; as a statesman, of deep penetration, and
invincible industry; and as a poet, of no mean rank.

Before we give an account of his works, it will not be amiss, in order
to illustrate the amiable character of lord Orrery, to shew, that tho'
he espoused the Protector's interest, yet he was of singular service
to the nation, in restraining the violence of his cruelty, and
checking the domineering spirit of those slaves in authority, who then
called themselves the legislature.

The authors of the Biographia Britannica, say, 'that our author
opposed in Parliament, and defeated, the blackest measure Cromwell
ever entered into, which was the passing a law for decimating the
royal party, and his lordship's conduct in this, was by far the
greatest action of his whole life. He made a long and an elaborate
speech, in which he shewed the injustice, cruelty, and folly, of that
truly infamous and Nero-like proposition. Finding that he was likely
to lose the question upon the division, which probably would have
issued in losing his life also; he stood up and boldly observed, "That
he did not think so many Englishmen could be fond of slavery." 'Upon
which so many members rose and followed him, that the Speaker without
telling, declared from the chair the Noes have it, and the bill was
accordingly thrown out. Upon this, he went immediately up to Cromwell,
and said, "I have done you this day as great a service as ever I did
in my life. How? returned Cromwell; by hindring your government,
replied my lord, from becoming hateful, which already begins to be
disliked; for if this bill had passed, three kingdoms would have risen
up against you; and they were your enemies, and not your friends who
brought it in." 'This Cromwell so firmly believed, that he never
forgave nor trusted them afterwards.'

King Charles II. put my lord upon writing plays, which he did, upon
the occasion of a dispute that arose in the Royal presence, about
writing plays in rhime. Some affirmed, that it was to be done, others
that it would spoil the fancy to be so confined; but lord Orrery was
of another opinion, and his Majesty being willing, that a trial should
be made, laid his commands on his lordship, to employ some of his
leisure time that way, which his lordship readily complied with, and
soon after composed the Black Prince.

It is difficult to give a full and accurate account of this nobleman's
compositions; for it must be owned, he was a better statesman than a
poet, and fitter to act upon the wide theatre of life, than to write
representations for the circumscribed theatre of the stage. In the
light of an author he is less eminent, and lived a life of too much
hurry to become proficient in poetry, a grace which not only demands
the most extensive abilities, but much leisure and contemplation. But
if he was not extremely eminent as a poet, he was far removed above
contempt, and deserves to have full mention made of all his writings;
and we can easily forgive want of elegance and correctness in one who
was of so much service to his country, and who was born rather to live
than to write a great part.

According to the least exceptionable account, his works are as follow:

1. The Irish Colours displayed, in a reply of an English Protestant,
to an Irish Roman Catholic, Lond. 1662, 4to.

2. An Answer to a scandalous Letter lately printed and subscribed be a
Peter Walsh, procurator for the Secular and Romish priests of Ireland:
This was the same infamous Walsh who forged the commisssion to act
against the Protestants. In this letter his lordship makes a full
discovery of the treachery of the Irish rebels, Dublin 1662, 4to.
Lond. 1662, 4to.

3. A Poem on his Majesty's Restoration, presented by the earl himself
to the King.

4. A Poem on the Death of the celebrated Mr. Abraham Cowley, Lond.
1667, fol. reprinted by Dr. Sprat, before his edition of Cowley's
works; also reprinted and much commended by Mr. Budgel.

5. History of Henry V. a tragedy. Lond. 1668, fol. In this play Mr.
Harris who played Henry, wore the Duke of York's coronation suit; and
Betterton, who played Owen Tudor, by which he got reputation, wore the
King's; and Mr. Liliston, to whom the part of the Duke of Burgundy was
given, wore the Earl of Oxford's.

6. Mustapha the Son of Solyman the Magnificent, a Tragedy, Lond. 1667,
fol. This play succeeded tollerably well.

7. The Black Prince, a Tragedy, Lond. 1672, fol. When this play was
begun his lordship lay ill of the gout, and after he had finished two
acts of it, he sent it to the King for his perusal, and at the same
time told his Majesty, that while he laboured under that disorder, he
had done these two acts; and perhaps would do no more till he was
taken ill again; upon which his Majesty pleasantly said, that if it
was not to be compleated till the return of the gout, he wished him a
lusty fit of it[12].

8. Tryphon, a Tragedy, Lond. 1672, fol. These four plays were
collected, and printed in fol. 1690, and make the entire first volume
of the new edition of the earl's Dramatic Works.

9. Parthenissa, a Romance, in three volumes, Lond. 1665, 4to. 1677,
fol. This romance is divided into six parts, the last written at the
desire of, and therefore dedicated to, her royal highness the Princess
Henrietta Maria, Duchess of Orleans, sister to King Charles II.

10. A Dream. This poem has been before mentioned. In it, the genius of
France is introduced, saying every thing the French ministers could
insinuate to inveigle King Charles II. to endeavour at making himself
arbitrary, or to deceive him into a mean and scandalous dependence on
Lewis XIV. to all which the ghost of Charles I. is next brought in,
giving reasons why the sole foundation of a Monarch's power, is the
love and confidence of his people.

11. The Art of War, Lond. 1677, fol. This work he addresses to the
King, in a large dedication, which was but the first part of what he
intended upon the subject; and was so strangely received, that the
second never appeared.

12. Poems on most of the festivals of the church. This work, tho'
printed and published, was never finished by our author. It was
written in the last year of his life, under much weakness of body; and
Budgel observes, very justly, that his poetry in this composition runs
low; and indeed his characteristical fault as a poet, is want of
elevation.

His posthumous works are these;

1. Mr. Anthony, a Comedy, 4to. Lond. 1692.

2. Guzman, a Comedy. 1693, 4to. upon a Spanish plot, and written in
the Spanish manner.

3. Herod the Great, a Tragedy, Lond. 1694, 4to.

4. Altemira a Tragedy, brought upon the stage by Mr. Francis Manning
1702, dedicated to Lionel earl of Orrery, grandson to the author, with
a prologue by lord viscount Bolingbroke. We may add to them his state
letters, which have been lately published in one volume fol. The rest
of his lordship's political papers perished in the flames, when his
house at Charleville was burnt in the year 1690, by a party of King
James's soldiers, with the duke of Berwick at their head.

We shall give a specimen of his lordship's poetry from a speech in
Altemira, in a scene between Altemira and her lover.

ALTEM. I can forgive you all my Lycidor,
But leaving me, and leaving me for war,
For that, so little argument I find,
My reason makes the fault look more unkind.

LYCIDOR. You see my griefs such deep impressions give,
I'd better die than thus afflicted live.
Yet to those sorrows under which I groan,
Can you still think it fit to add your own?

ALTEM. 'Tis only you, have your own troubles wrought,
For they alas! are not impos'd but sought;
Did you but credit what you still profess,
That I alone can make your happiness:
You would not your obedience now decline,
But end by paying it, your griefs and mine.

Footnotes:
1. Earl of Cork's True Remembrance.
2. Morrice's Memoirs of E. Orrery, chap. 6.
3. Memoirs of the Earl of Orrery, p. 36.
4. Carte's Life of the Duke of Ormond.
5. Memoirs of the Interregnum, p. 133.
6. Cox's History of Ireland, vol. 2. part 2d. p. 16.
7. Thurloe's State Papers.
8. Morrice's Memoirs chap. 5.
9. Budgel's Memoirs of the family of the Boyles.
10. Collin's peerage, vol. iv. p. 26.
11. Love's Memoirs of the Earl of Orrery.
12. Memoirs of the Earl of Orrery.

* * * * *

RICHARD HEAD

Was the son of a minister in Ireland, who being killed in the
rebellion there in 1641, amongst the many thousands who suffered in
that deplorable massacre, our author's mother came with her son into
England, and he having, says Winstanley, been trained up in learning,
was by the help of some friends educated at Oxford, in the same
college where his father formerly had been a student; but as his
circumstances were mean, he was taken away from thence, and bound
apprentice to a bookseller in London, but his genius being addicted to
poetry, before his time was expired, he wrote a piece called Venus
Cabinet unlocked; and afterwards he married and set up for himself, in
which condition, he did not long continue, for being addicted to
gaming, he ruined his affairs. In this distress he went over to
Ireland, and composed his Hic & Ubique, a noted comedy; and which
gained him some reputation. He then returned to England, reprinted his
comedy, and dedicated it to the duke of Monmouth, from whom he
received no great encouragement. This circumstance induced him to
reflect, that the life of an author was at once the most dissipated
and unpleasing in the world; that it is in every man's power to injure
him, and that few are disposed to promote him. Animated by these
reflexions, he again took a house, and from author resumed his old
trade of a bookseller, in which, no doubt he judged right; for while
an author (be his genius and parts ever so bright) is employed in the
composition of one book, a bookseller may publish twenty; so that in
the very nature of things, a bookseller without oppression, a crime
which by unsuccessful writers is generally imputed to them, may grow
rich, while the most industrious and able author can arrive at no more
than a decent competence: and even to that, many a great genius has
never attained.

No sooner had Mr. Head a little recovered himself, than we find him
cheated again by the syren alurements of pleasure and poetry, in the
latter of which, however, it does not appear he made any proficiency.
He failed a second time, in the world, and having recourse to his pen,
wrote the first part of the English Rogue, which being too libertine,
could not be licensed till he had expunged some of the most luscious
descriptions out of it.

Mr. Winstanley, p. 208, has informed us, that at the coming out of
this first part, he was with him at the Three Cup tavern in Holborn
drinking a glass of Rhenish, and made these verses upon him,

What Gusman, Buscan, Francion, Rablais writ,
I once applauded for most excellent wit;
But reading thee, and thy rich fancy's store,
I now condemn what I admir'd before.
Henceforth translations pack away, be gone,
No Rogue so well writ, as the English one.

We cannot help observing, that Winstanley has a little ridiculously
shewn his vanity, by informing the world, that he could afford to
drink a glass of Rhenish; and has added nothing to his reputation by
the verses, which have neither poetry nor wit in them.

This English Rogue, described in the life of Meriton Latroon, a witty
extravagant, was published anno 1666, in a very large 8vo. There were
three more parts added to it by Francis Kirkman and Mr. Head in
conjunction.

He also wrote

Jackson's Recantation; or the Life and Death of a notorious
highwayman, then hanging in chains at Hamstead, 1674.

Proteus Redivivus; or, the Art of wheedling, Lond. 1675.

The Floating Island; or a voyage from Lambethanio to Ramalia.

A Discovery of Old Brazil.

The Red Sea.

He wrote a Pamphlet against Dr. Wild, in answer to Wild's letter
directed to his friend, upon occasion of his Majesty's declaration for
liberty of conscience: This he concludes in the following manner, by
which it will be seen that he was but a poor versifier.

Thus, Sir, you have my story, but am sorry
(Taunton excuse) it is no better for ye,
However read it, as your pease are shelling;
For you will find, it is not worth the telling.
Excuse this boldness, for I can't avoid
Thinking sometimes you are but ill employ'd.
Fishing for souls more fit, than frying fish;
That makes me throw pease-shellings in your dish.
You have a study, books wherein to look,
How comes it then the Doctor turn'd a cook?
Well Doctor Cook, pray be advised hereafter,
Don't make your wife the subject of our laughter.
I find she's careless, and your maid a slut,
To let you grease your Cassock for your gut.
You are all three in fault, by all that's blest;
Mend you your manners first, then teach the rest.

Mr. Winstanley says, that our author met with a great many afflictions
and crosses in his time, and was cast away at sea, as he was going to
the Isle of Wight 1678.

* * * * *

THOMAS HOBBS.

This celebrated philosopher was son of Thomas Hobbs, vicar of
Westport, within the Liberty of Malmesbury, and of Charlton in Wilts,
and was born at Westport on the 5th of April 1588[1]. It is related by
Bayle, that his mother being frighted at the rumours of the report of
the Spanish Armada, was brought to bed of him before her time, which
makes it somewhat surprizing that he should live to so great an age.
He had made an extraordinary progress in the languages before he
arrived at his 14th year, when he was sent to Oxford, where he studied
for five years Aristotle's philosophy. In the year 1607 he took the
degree of batchelor of arts, and upon the recommendation of the
principal of the college, he entered into the service of William
Cavendish, baron Hardwicke, soon afterwards earl of Devonshire[2], by
whom being much esteemed for his pleasantry and humour, he was
appointed tutor to his son lord William Cavendish, several years
younger than Hobbs. Soon after our author travelled with this young
nobleman thro' France and Italy, where he made himself master of the
different languages of the countries thro' which he travelled; but
finding that he had in a great measure forgot his Greek and Latin, he
dedicated his leisure hours to the revival of them, and in order to
fix the Greek language more firmly in his mind, upon his return to
England, he set about and accomplished a translation of Thucydides,
who appeared to him preferable to all other Greek historians, and by
rendering him into English he meant to shew his countrymen from the
Athenian history, the disorders and confusions of a democratical
government.

In the year 1628, the earl of Devonshire dying, after our author had
served him 20 years, he travelled again into France with a son of Sir
Gervas Clifton; at which time, and during which preregrination (says
Wood) 'he began to make an inspection into the elements of Euclid, and
be delighted with his method, not only for the theorems contained in
it, but for his art of reasoning. In these studies he continued till
1631, when his late pupil the earl of Devonshire called him home in
order to undertake the education of his son, then only thirteen years
of age, in all the parts of juvenile literature; and as soon as it was
proper for him to see the world, Hobbs again set out for France and
Italy, and directed his young pupil to the necessary steps for
accomplishing his education.

When our author was at Paris, he began to search into the fundamentals
of natural science, and contracted an intimacy with Marius Marsennus a
Minim, conversant in that kind of philosophy, and a man of excellent
moral qualities.

In 1637 he was recalled to England, but finding the civil war ready to
break out, and the Scots in arms against the King, instigated by a
mean cowardice, he deferred his country in distress, and returned to
Paris, that he might without interruption pursue his studies there,
and converse with men of eminence in the sciences. The Parliament
prevailing, several of the Royalists were driven from their own
country, and were obliged to take shelter in France. The Prince of
Wales was reduced likewise to quit the kingdom and live at Paris:
Hobbs was employed to teach the young Prince mathematics, in which he
made great proficiency; and our author used to observe, that if the
Prince's application was equal to the quickness of his parts, he would
be the foremost man in his time in every species of science. All the
leisure hours that Hobbs enjoyed in Paris, he dedicated to the
composition of a book called, The Leviathan, a work by which he
acquired a great name in Europe; and which was printed at London while
he remained at Paris. Under this strange name he means the body
politic. The divines of the church of England who attended King
Charles II. in France, exclaimed vehemently against this performance,
and said that it contained a great many impious assertions, and that
the author was not of the royal party. Their complaints were regarded,
and Hobbs was discharged the court; and as he had extremely provoked
the Papists, he thought it not safe for him to continue longer in
France, especially as he was deprived of the protection of the King of
England. He translated his Leviathan into Latin, and printed it with
an appendix in 1668.

About ten years afterwards, the Leviathan was printed in Low Dutch.
The character of this work is drawn as under, by bishop Burnet.

'His [Hobbs's] main principles were, that all men acted under an
absolute necessity, in which he seemed protected by the then received
doctrine of absolute decrees. He seemed to think that the universe was
god, and that souls were material, Thought being only subtle and
imperceptible motion. He thought interest and fear were the chief
principles of society; and he put all morality in the following that
which was our own private will or advantage. He thought religion had
no other foundation than the laws of the land; and he put all the law
in the will of the Prince, or of the people: For he writ his book at
first in favour of absolute monarchy, but turned it afterwards to
gratify the Republican party.'

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