Thomas Hope Floyd - At Ypres with Best Dunkley

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"At 11.30 a.m. I decided that I might just as well be blown to bits in
the open, trying to get back to safety, as lying in this shell-hole; so
I made a dash for it and got out of the barrage. I inquired the way to
the nearest aid post, and was told that it was a long way off. But I
proceeded in the direction indicated. Before long I met Corporal Livesey
returning from his bombing stunt with about half a dozen prisoners and a
shrapnel wound in his back; also another lance-corporal, from D Company,
who had been on a similar stunt and was wounded in the ear by a bullet.
Some of the prisoners were also wounded. So we all walked down together.

"Corporal Livesey told me that Sergeant Brogden[14] was wounded in the
arm, Sergeant Stokes killed, and Corporal Chamley wounded. We saw some
horrible sights all the way along. We were joined by more prisoners as
we went down. German prisoners have only to be told which way to go and
they go. They are quite sociable people too--many of them bright-eyed
boys of seventeen and eighteen. They are only too glad to carry our
wounded men back; they need no escort. We got on very well indeed with
them. I suppose that in a sense we were comrades in distress, or, rather
comrades in good fortune, in that we were all leaving the field of
horrors behind us! Yet they were the very Boches who, an hour before,
had been peppering us with those bullets. One would never have imagined
that we had so recently been enemies. One of them asked for water to
'drinken;' so I let him have a drink from my water-bottle. About half a
dozen of them drank, and they appeared very grateful.

"Germans are not half so vile as they are painted.... They are only
doing their bit for their Empire as we are for ours. The pity of it is
that destiny should have thrown us into conflict. It is a great pity.
How fine it would be if we could let bygones be bygones, shake hands,
and lead the world in peace and civilization side by side! If we can
fraternize so speedily on the battlefield, why cannot those who are not
shooting each other also fraternize? It is a cruel insult to humanity
that this thing should go on. War is hell, and the sooner some one
arises who has the courage to stop it the better. Somebody will have to
take the lead some time. I myself believe in peace after victory--but we
are not yet going the right way about achieving victory; and, unless Sir
William Robertson speedily changes his plans, we might as well make
peace. This killing business is horrible. The present policy of the
General Staff is: see which side can do the most killing. A far wiser,
and far more humane, policy would be to win it by strategy. I believe in
out-manoeuvring the enemy and taking as many prisoners as possible;
make him evacuate territory or surrender by corps and armies; it can be
done if we go the right way about it, but this bloodshed is barbarous.

"When we walked over Wieltje we found our once 'strong point' no longer
existent. The sandbags were scattered all over. Yet in the mine
below--in the estam--General Stockwell had his Headquarters.

"We were sent on from aid-post to aid-post. They were all crowded with
wounded. The number of 'walking cases' was very large. At Potijze we
were again sent on. So I walked into Ypres and passed the Cathedral and
the Cloth Hall and reached the remains of the Prison which is now the
central aid-post for Ypres. There was a pleasant padre there; and he got
me a refreshing cup of tea. Then I went on again. I got on a lorry and
was taken to the mill at Vlamertinghe, which is known as the 2/1 Wessex
Dressing Station. When I got there I was sent upstairs for some tea. On
entering the mess, I found Lieutenant Francis also there, having tea. He
was wounded in the arm. His arm was in a sling. There were also two or
three German officers having tea there. They were quite as sociable as
our Allies! Who should come in to see us, a few minutes later, but Major
Brighten, who, being on 'battle reserve,' was down at the Transport! He
expressed surprise when he saw me, and asked me to tell him all about
it. He would insist on carrying some of my equipment downstairs. He
informed me that my batman, Critchley, was down below. So I went and
saw him. He had got one in the leg too.

"I had my wound dressed here and also had an anti-tetanous inoculation
put into me. I did not like it!

"Then Francis and I got into a motor-ambulance and were motored away,
through Poperinghe, to Watou. We passed what I assumed to be Nugent's
36th Division coming up in motor-lorries to relieve the 55th Division.
At Watou we were taken to the 10th C.C.S. We had our wounds dressed
again there and then had tea. Then we got on to a hospital train which
was standing in the siding. Who should join us in the saloon on this
train but Gaulter, of the King's Own! He, too, had got one in the leg!
The question which interested us most on the way back was whether we
would get to 'Blighty.' The train went very slowly. We were held up
because the Germans were shelling Hazebrouck of all places. They must
have some long-range guns!

"We arrived in Boulogne at 5.30 on Wednesday morning, August 1, and were
immediately motored to Wimereux, where we entered the 14th General
Hospital. We went to bed at once and remained in bed all day and night.

"The next morning I was awakened by the greeting: 'You're for England;
you leave at 8.15.' So I got up and had breakfast. Then we were motored
down to Boulogne again where we all embarked on the _St. David_, and
sailed for the shores of old England. It was a happy voyage. We landed
at Dover at midday....

"The train left Dover at 4.30 p.m. We reached Manchester at midnight and
I and seven others were immediately motored to Worsley. So here I am in
a nice cosy bed in the spacious mansion of the Egertons of
Ellesmere--Worsley Hall. What vicissitudes one does go through!" ...

* * * * *

So, as far as the writer of this book was concerned, Ypres and all that
its name implies was now but a memory: I was safely back on the right
side of the water once again. My feelings on leaving "Wipers" behind me
can best be expressed in the words which a poet of the 55th Division
dedicated to the British Soldier in the second number of _Sub Rosa_:

"Good-bye, Wipers! though I 'opes it is for good,
It 'urts me for to leave yer--I little thought it would.

When I gets back to Blighty, and all the fightin's done,
Mebbe the picters of the past will rise up, one by one.

Like movies at the Cinema, they'll bob up in my brain,
The places that I knew so well--I'll see them all again.

The battered-in Asylum; the Prison scorched and scarred;
And 'ole Salvation Corner with the guns a bellowin' 'ard.

The muddy, ruddy, Ramparts; the mist upon the Moat;
The grey Canal between whose banks no barges ever float.

An' them Cathedral ruins--O Gawd, the fearsome sight!
Like mutilated fingers they points up through the night.

The blighters what relieves us--we'll treat 'em fair an' kind,
They're welcome to the soveneers what we 'ave left be'ind.

Good-bye, Wipers! though I 'opes it is for good,
It 'urts me for to leave yer--I little thought it would."

It was with a thrill of pride that I read in the newspapers during the
following days of the magnificent achievement of the 55th Division--of
the "Lancashire Men's Great Fight:" "Stubborn in attack and withdrawal."
I read of heroic fights round Pommern Castle, of Wurst Farm being
captured by a gallant young officer, and, particularly, the case of: "An
officer who was left last out of his battalion to hold out in an
advanced position (who) said to the padre who has just visited him in
hospital, 'I hope the General was not disappointed with us.'" The
General, I am sure, was not disappointed with these Lancashire men. No
one could think of them without enthusiasm and tenderness, marvelling at
their spirit and at the fight they made in the tragic hours--because it
was a tragedy to them that, after gaining all the ground they had been
asked to take, and not easily nor without losses, they should have to
fall back and fight severe rear-guard actions to cover a necessary
withdrawal.[15]

It was, naturally, a matter of great interest to me to determine to what
particular officers these remarks referred, as no names were given and
no battalions mentioned by name. Now, of course, we all know. The
officer who reached Wurst Farm was John Redner Bodington, and the
gallant young officer who fought like a hound at bay, while wounded over
and over again, and hoped that "the General was not disappointed," was
none other than the hero whose name is upon the title-page of this
book--Bertram Best-Dunkley. And, as the days rolled by, one familiar
name after another was recorded in the casualty lists. It was the
bloodiest battle in History; the casualty list which contained my name
was the longest I have ever seen in the _Times_.

I wrote to Sergeant Baldwin for information as to the fate of my
platoon, and, some time afterwards, received the following reply:

"Ward 24,
"Ontario Military Hospital,
"Orpington, Kent.
"August 15th, 1917.
"Dear Sir,

"I have much pleasure in replying to your letter dated August 5th, 1917.
I am very pleased indeed to know that you are safe in 'Blighty.' Well,
sir, you ask me where I got to when we went over the top. I think you
will remember halting and lying down in no man's land. Well, as I lay
there the time seemed to be long; then I got up and went to the front of
the platoon to see what had gone wrong. When I got there I found you had
gone on and the remainder of the men had not the sense to follow you. So
I led on with the remainder, taking my direction from the compass. I
reached the hill and passed Schuler Farm on the right. We started to
climb the hill and then a funny thing happened: those already at the top
came running back again shouting 'Get back and dig in; they are
outflanking us.' I took the warning and retired to a suitable position
and got the men digging themselves in. We could see the Boches coming
over the ridge like a swarm of bees. When they got nearer we opened
machine gun and rifle fire. All the time this was going on the artillery
had ceased firing, and I began to feel a bit downhearted. Then things
quietened down a bit; so I told the lads to make a drink of tea for
themselves, which they did gladly enough. All the time we could see
Fritz preparing for a counter-attack and we knew it had to come. I
waited patiently keeping a look-out for them coming. The men were
getting knocked out one by one, until I had only five; and the Lewis Gun
had got a bullet through its pinion which rendered it useless. Nothing
happened until the evening, and then the bombardment started and we knew
we had something to put up with. I sent up an S.O.S. rocket and our
artillery opened out, but the shells were dropping short and hitting our
men. Then we retired for about fifty yards and took up some shell-holes.
I looked round and found all my men had vanished. I was amongst some of
the Cams. and Herts. I really did not know what to do. The artillery
became more intense and still our shells were dropping short. There was
another sergeant out of the Cams. in this shell-hole with a few men; so
I told him I would go back and try and get in touch with the artillery.
On my way back I got wounded in the leg, so I rolled into a shell-hole.
It began to rain and rained heavily all the night. When day broke I
found myself covered with clay and mud, and wet through to the skin. I
crawled out and looked about me. It was a quiet morning except for a
shell bursting now and again, and I could see some men through my
glasses, about a mile away, working on a road. I made my way towards
them. How I got there I do not know, for I was more dead than alive. I
inquired for the dressing-station, which I found after a long walk. I
was sent down to the Base to hospital and was sent to England on August
6.

"I am pleased to say that I am feeling much better and my wound is
getting on nicely. I hope my letter will find you feeling much better
for the rest you have worked so hard for. I saw in the casualty list
that the Colonel had died of wounds, the Adjutant killed, Sec.-Lt.
Gratton missing, Captain Andrews wounded, and Lt. Telfer missing. I
think I have told you all the news you require, and hope you enjoy
reading it.

"With best wishes,
"Yours sincerely,
"ROBERT CHARLES BALDWIN, Sgt."

Sergeant Baldwin was awarded the Military Medal for his services on July
31--August 1, 1917.

Having reproduced the personal narratives of our experiences at Ypres,
first by myself and then by my platoon sergeant, it is now desirable to
see what happened to the Battalion as a whole. For this it will be
necessary to quote the official account in the _Lancashire Fusiliers'
Annual_. After mentioning the machine-gun fire which caused me to extend
my platoon the account goes on to say:

"This fire was so heavy that it not only inflicted severe casualties,
but caused confusion in the shaking out into extended order, and it is
to be believed that from this moment the correct formation was never
absolutely regained. Machine-gun fire was active chiefly from Wine
House, Spree Farm, parts of Capricorn Support and Capricorn Keep, Pond
Farm, Hindu Cot and other points. Seeing that they could not advance
till these points were dealt with, the commanders of the leading waves
took steps to take the first points, such as Wine House, Spree Farm,
Capricorn Support. These were dealt with at considerable loss, some
enemy being captured, some killed and some running away. It was
difficult to obtain a definite account of all the incidents that
happened before the Black Line was reached, but great gallantry was
shown by the officers and N.C.O.'s in rallying and leading the men in
face of heavy fire. The Commanding Officer, Lieut.-Colonel B.
Best-Dunkley, put himself at the head of all men in his immediate
vicinity, and led them on through intense machine-gun fire. Ultimately
the Black Line was reached. The casualties up to this point may be
estimated at anything up to 50 per cent of the total strength of the
Battalion. However, the advance had to continue and that quickly, as it
was impossible to wait to reorganize under the heavy fire; moreover, the
advance was timed to a programme of artillery. The advance to the Green
Line, the Gravenstafel Switch, 6,000 yards from our original front line,
therefore continued. Few details necessarily are obtainable owing to the
heavy casualties. The creeping barrage, not a heavy one, certainly not
sufficient to deal with the country up to the Green Line, had run away
from us. Many more casualties were suffered, but the Battalion
eventually reached its objective. Digging in and consolidation at once
commenced. Captain J. R. Bodington, commanding left Company, reached
Wurst Farm with ten men, this number being shortly reduced by casualties
to two. The Green Line had only been in our possession for about twenty
minutes when the first enemy counter-attack, consisting of two
companies, commenced. This came from a north-easterly direction,
sweeping across the front of the division on our left. It was very
determined, as the division on our left had not been able to get up; our
left flank was quite unprotected.

"An attempt was therefore made to form a defensive flank. The
counter-attack halted on a road running north-west and south-east.
Finding we had not sufficient men to form a defensive flank, a further
withdrawal was ordered to Jew Hill, east of St. Julien. From this point
a large enemy counter-attack was observed commencing. This also came
from a north-easterly direction, and was apparently simultaneous with
that from the south-east affecting the 1/4th Loyal North Lancs.--the
battalion on our right. This counter-attack was overwhelming in its
strength. It had been preceded by four enemy aircraft, flying low over
our advanced positions and firing Very lights and machine-guns. The
lights were apparently the call for artillery cooperation. They were
answered by the opening of fire by heavy guns which dealt with
individual points. Owing to the general disorganization caused by the
very heavy casualties, troops on the whole front of this unit had now to
commence a general withdrawal. Isolated points, however, held out most
gallantly and held up the advance of the enemy while consolidation on or
about the Black Line was completed by troops in rear and whilst the
withdrawal of the remainder was safely effected. A small strong point
situated west of Schuler Farm was held by one hundred and thirty men of
this Battalion, and the 1/8 (Irish) Battalion, King's Liverpool Regiment
and with them Captain Bodington, one of the few remaining officers of
the Battalion. Those were first attacked from the front, which attack
they warded off. The enemy counter-attack then developed on their left
and right; both these attacks also were held off for some time by
machine-gun, Lewis gun, and rifle fire. The few survivors were forced to
withdraw and fight their way back, Captain Bodington and ten other ranks
reaching the Black Line safely.

"Battalion Headquarters was situated at Spree Farm, and they only
received late warning that the enemy were near them. Lieutenant-Colonel
B. Best-Dunkley gathered together all men available, and, placing
himself at the head, beat off the counter-attack at this point. At this
time our own artillery brought down an extremely heavy barrage on the
enemy which appeared to catch him, and it was probably due to this that
they were unable to gain a footing in the Black Line on our immediate
front. During this withdrawal the Adjutant--Lieutenant R. Andrews--was
killed. The Commanding Officer was wounded shortly afterwards--about 8
p.m. There was then no officer of this Battalion known to be alive, and
the Orderly Room Sergeant--Sergeant F. Howarth--took command, organizing
the defence of that part of the line until the Battalion was withdrawn
to Bilge Trench, about 9 a.m. the following morning--August 1. Captain
Bodington, who was the one surviving officer, came in subsequently from
the left of the line."

Let us now follow the movements of Captain Bodington. He afterwards
wrote the following report:

"Up to the time of reaching a point a hundred yards in rear of the Black
Line, the advance was easy.

"On crossing the small rise behind Wine House we came under very heavy
machine-gun and rifle fire from both Wine House and Spree Farm. Two
platoons had to be used in driving the enemy from the above-named farms,
and the casualties were heavy in this minor operation.

"Both the dug-outs at Wine House and Spree Farm were in fairly good
condition, and from here with the remainder of the men we pushed forward
towards Border House without much difficulty, and hence to Winnipeg,
where we got into touch with the 1/6th Cheshires on our left, and
proceeded to the Gravenstafel Ridge. Being left here with only two of my
men, I could do no more than reconnoitre Wurst Farm and Aviatik Farm.

"Both the dug-outs and O.P. in these farms were in fairly good
condition, but must have been evacuated hurriedly, although no documents
of any importance could be found.

"We could see at a distance of about six hundred yards more of our
troops on the right, but unable to get into touch with them as the enemy
held posts between us.

"On returning to the 1/6th Cheshires on our left, a counter-attack had
already been launched against their left flank, consequently it was
decided to withdraw to the Winnipeg-Kansas Cross Roads. It was found
impossible to make a stand here, so the withdrawal continued to a point
where the 13th Sussex Regiment had dug themselves in on Jew Hill.

"About two hours elapsed, when it was found that a party of the enemy
were getting round their left flank. A party was at once detailed to
deal with this, but at this time I became detached from this party and
consequently reported back to Battalion Headquarters, then situated at
Spree Farm.

"I was at once detailed to take a party up to reinforce a partly
organized strong point about the dug-outs at D. 13. a. 8.0. I found here
two officers and about one hundred men. The position was strong, but
both flanks were unguarded.

"There were two machine-guns and one Lewis gun. After a short time a
strong counter-attack was made by the enemy on this position from the
front which was easily beaten off, but almost simultaneously we were
attacked on either flank.

"By this time, another machine-gun had been brought into position, but
the Lewis gun had used up all its magazines. A number of casualties had
been caused. We held the enemy for half an hour, and a heavy battery was
shelling us considerably. Two direct hits were obtained causing a number
of casualties. Meanwhile the enemy was advancing on either flank. It was
found that only forty or fifty men remained, and little means of escape
was left, but it was decided to withdraw to a line well wired about
three hundred yards in rear. On reaching this point it was found to be
untenable and the withdrawal continued to the Black Line, where some of
the 165 and 166 Brigades had been digging in.

"They were at once warned of the advance of the enemy, and here he was
finally beaten off. A number of casualties were sustained in the
withdrawal from the dug-outs behind Schuler Farm. At that time we could
not get into touch on our left, but the gap was soon filled in by a
party of the 6th King's Liverpool Regiment and the Battalion
Headquarters from Spree Farm. Later we got into touch with the 1/5th
South Lancashire Regiment on our left and the 45 Brigade on our right.

"At that time I could find none of my own Battalion.

"(Signed) J. R. BODINGTON,
"Captain,
"2/5th Battalion Lancashire Fusiliers."

The 2/5th Lancashire Fusiliers, what remained of them, "spent August 1,
Minden Day, in the utmost discomfort in Bilge Trench, everybody was
soaked through from the pouring rain. However, we all flaunted Minden
roses in our helmets. On August 2nd we were relieved and marched back to
our transport lines. There all preparations had been made for us and
everybody enjoyed a good hot meal. The same evening we were taken back
in buses to the Watou area." Thus writes the official chronicler in the
_Lancashire Fusiliers' Annual_.

It was on July 31 that Philip Cave Humfrey distinguished himself by his
able and courageous leading of his Transport to carry supplies to the
worn and wearied troops. "He led one hundred pack mules, laden with
ammunition and bombs, through heavy enemy barrage to a point close
behind our lines which was then being defended against a strong
counter-attack. At this point he unloaded his mules in spite of hostile
machine-gun and rifle fire, and the ammunition which he brought up was
immediately used by the troops who were defending the position. By his
promptness and fearlessness he greatly assisted the defence at a
critical moment." For this act of gallantry he was awarded the Military
Cross.

Many were the brave deeds done and numerous the honours gained by the
officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Battalion on this
historic day. Captain Bodington was awarded the Military Cross as a
matter of course. He was the sole combatant officer who came through
unscathed, and his unique services have already been fully recorded; he
showed himself on July 31, what he has invariably shown himself since,
an incomparable man over the top, fearless and ruthless, ever where the
fight is hottest and always ready to display his individual initiative
on all possible and impossible occasions, a born man of action to whom
long experience of shot and shell has made the art of modern war a
second nature--an officer after Best-Dunkley's own heart: the Military
Cross was the least form of recognition which could reward such an
achievement as his. The bright and chivalrous Newman too--who had
already been recommended for the Military Cross for his bravery in
tending wounded at the Menin Gate on Messines Night--won this decoration
by his unselfish devotion to duty on July 31. Horace Beesley commanded
his platoon with such courage and success right out on our far-flung
battle line in the vicinity of Wurst Farm and Aviatik Farm until he was
badly wounded; and to him also was the Military Cross awarded. And John
Agnew, who was second-in-command of C Company, took command of that
company when Captain Mordecai was wounded: "Although shot through the
knee, he continued to advance and lead his men to their objective--a
distance of some 4,000 yards. He was then again wounded and had to
return, being wounded a third time on his way back. Although his wounds
were serious he refused to take a stretcher, in order that more serious
cases might be dealt with. He set a splendid example of pluck and
unselfishness." The Military Cross was also Agnew's reward. When I met
him again at Scarborough he was a cripple. Heroic, too, was the end of
that flamboyant patriot Talbot Dickinson, M.C., my Company Commander.
"He was wounded in the arm," wrote one of his friends, "but carried on
to a very advanced position, and, while encouraging his men, was shot
through the head." With him Sergeant-Major Preston, too, was killed.

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