Thomas Jefferson - Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson

T >> Thomas Jefferson >> Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson

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He also informs me, that the several coins in circulation among us, have
already been assayed with accuracy, and the result published in a work
on that subject. The assay of Sir Isaac Newton had superseded, in my
mind, the necessity of this operation as to the older coins, which were
the subject of his examination. This later work, with equal reason, may
be considered as saving the same trouble as to the latter coins.

So far, then, I accede to the opinions of the Financier. On the other
hand, he seems to concur with me, in thinking his smallest fractional
division too minute for a Unit, and, therefore, proposes to transfer
that denomination to his largest silver coin, containing 1000 of the
units first proposed, and worth about 4s. 2d. lawful, or 25/36 of a
dollar. The only question then remaining between us is, whether the
Dollar, or this coin, be best for the Unit. We both agree that the ease
of adoption with the people, is the thing to be aimed at.

1. As to the Dollar, events have overtaken and superseded the question.
It is no longer a doubt whether the people can adopt it with ease; they
have adopted it, and will have to be turned out of that, into another
track of calculation, if another Unit be assumed. They have now two
Units, which they use with equal facility, viz. the Pound of their
respective state, and the Dollar. The first of these is peculiar to each
state; the second, happily, common to all. In each state, the people
have an easy rule for converting the pound of their state into dollars,
or dollars into pounds; and this is enough for them, without knowing how
this may be done in every state of the Union. Such of them as live near
enough the borders of their state to have dealings with their neighbors,
learn also the rule of their neighbors: Thus, in Virginia and the
Eastern States, where the dollar is 6s. or 3/10 of a pound, to turn
pounds into dollars, they multiply by 10, and divide by 3. To turn
dollars into pounds, they multiply by 3, and divide by 10. Those in
Virginia who live near to Carolina, where the dollar is 8s. or 4/10 of
a pound, learn the operation of that state, which is a multiplication
by 4, and division by 10, _et e converso_. Those who live near Maryland,
where the dollar is 7s. 6d. or 3/8 of a pound, multiply by 3, and divide
by 8, _et e converso_. All these operations are easy, and have been
found by experience, not too much for the arithmetic of the people,
when they have occasion to convert their old Unit into dollars, or the
reverse.

2. As to the Unit of the Financier; in the States where the dollar is
3/10 of a pound, this Unit will be 5/24. Its conversion into the pound
then, will be by a multiplication by 5, and a division by 24. In the
States where the dollar is 3/8 of a pound, this Unit will be 25/96 of
a pound, and the operation must be to multiply by 25, and divide by 96,
_et e converso_. Where the dollar is 4/10 of a pound, this Unit will
be 5/18. The simplicity of the fraction, and of course the facility
of conversion and reconversion, is therefore against this Unit, and in
favor of the dollar, in every instance. The only advantage it has over
the dollar, is, that it will in every case express our farthing without
a remainder; whereas, though the dollar and its decimals will do this
in many cases, it will not in all. But, even in these, by extending your
notation one figure farther, to wit, to thousands, you approximate a
perfect accuracy within less than the two thousandth part of a dollar;
an atom in money which every one would neglect. Against this single
inconvenience, the other advantages of the dollar are more than
sufficient to preponderate. This Unit will present to the people a new
coin, and whether they endeavor to estimate its value by comparing it
with a Pound, or with a Dollar, the Units they now possess, they will
find the fraction very compound, and of course less accommodated to
their comprehension and habits than the dollar. Indeed the probability
is, that they could never be led to compute in it generally.

The Financier supposes that the 1/100 of a dollar is not sufficiently
small, where the poor are purchasers or vendors. If it is not, make
a smaller coin. But I suspect that it is small enough. Let us examine
facts, in countries where we are acquainted with them. In Virginia,
where our towns are few, small, and of course their demand for
necessaries very limited, we have never yet been able to introduce a
copper coin at all. The smallest coin which any body will receive there,
is the half-bit, or 1/20 of a dollar. In those states where the towns
are larger and more populous, a more habitual barter for small wants,
has called for a copper coin of 1/90 or 1/96 or 1/108 of a dollar.
In England, where the towns are many and pouplous, and where ages of
experience have matured the conveniences of intercourse, they have found
that some wants may be supplied for a farthing, or 1/208 of a dollar,
and they have accommodated a coin to this want. This business is
evidently progressive. In Virginia we are far behind. In some other
states, they are farther advanced, to wit, to the appreciation of
1/90, 1/96 or 1/108 of a dollar. To this most advanced state, then, I
accommodated my smartest coin in the decimal arrangement, as a money of
payment, corresponding with the money of account. I have no doubt the
time will come when a smaller coin will be called for. When that comes,
let it be made. It will probably be the half of the copper I propose,
that is to say 5/1000 or.005 of a dollar, this being very nearly the
farthing of England. But it will be time enough to make it, when the
people shall be ready to receive it.

My proposition then, is, that our notation of money shall be decimal,
descending _ad libitum_ of the person noting; that the Unit of this
notation shall be a Dollar; that coins shall be accommodated to it from
ten dollars to the hundredth of a dollar; and that, to set this on
foot, the resolutions be adopted which were proposed in the notes, only
substituting an inquiry into the fineness of the coins in lieu of an
assay of them.

[NOTE G.]

I have sometimes asked myself, whether my country is the better for
my having lived at all. I do not know that it is. I have been the
instrument of doing the following things; but they would have been done
by others; some of them, perhaps, a little better.

The Rivanna had never been used for navigation; scarcely an empty
canoe had ever passed down it. Soon after I came of age I examined its
obstructions, set on foot a subscription for removing them, got an act
of Assembly passed, and the thing effected, so as to be used completely
and fully for carrying down all our produce.

The Declaration of Independence.

I proposed the demolition of the Church establishment, and the freedom
of religion. It could only be done by degrees; to wit, the act of 1776,
c. 2. exempted dissenters from contributions to the Church, and left the
Church clergy to be supported by voluntary contributions of their own
sect; was continued from year to year, and made perpetual 1779, c. 36. I
prepared the act for religious freedom in 1777, as part of the revisal,
which was not reported to the Assembly till 1779, and that particular
law not passed till 1785, and then by the efforts of Mr. Madison.

The act putting an end to entails.

The act prohibiting the importation of slaves.

The act concerning citizens, and establishing the natural right of man
to expatriate himself at will.

The act changing the course of descents, and giving the inheritance to
all the children, &c. equally, I drew as part of the revisal.

The act for apportioning crimes and punishments, part of the same work,
I drew. When proposed to the Legislature by Mr. Madison, in 1785, it
failed by a single vote. G. K. Taylor afterwards, in 1796, proposed the
same subject; avoiding the adoption of any part of the diction of mine,
the text of which had been studiously drawn in the technical terms of
the law, so as to give no occasion for new questions by new expressions.
When I drew mine, public labor was thought the best punishment to be
substituted for death. But, while I was in France, I heard of a society
in England who had successfully introduced solitary confinement, and
saw the drawing of a prison at Lyons, in France, formed on the idea of
solitary confinement. And, being applied to by the Governor of Virginia
for the plan of a Capitol and Prison, I sent him the Lyons plan,
accompanying it with a drawing on a smaller scale, better adapted to our
use. This was in June, 1786. Mr. Taylor very judiciously adopted this
idea, (which had now been acted on in Philadelphia, probably from the
English model,) and substituted labor in confinement, to the public
labor proposed by the Committee of revisal; which themselves would have
done, had they been to act on the subject again. The public mind was
ripe for this in 1796, when Mr. Taylor proposed it, and ripened chiefly
by the experiment in Philadelphia; whereas, in 1785, when it had been
proposed to our Assembly, they were not quite ripe for it.

In 1789 and 1790, I had a great number of olive plants, of the best
kind, sent from Marseilles to Charleston, for South Carolina and
Georgia. They were planted, and are flourishing; and, though not yet
multiplied, they will be the germ of that cultivation in those States.

In 1790, I got a cask of heavy upland rice, from the river Denbigh, in
Africa, about lat. 9 deg. 30' North, which I sent to Charleston, in hopes
it might supersede the culture of the wet rice, which renders South
Carolina and Georgia so pestilential through the summer. It was divided,
and a part sent to Georgia. I know not whether it has been attended to
in South Carolina; but it has spread in the upper parts of Georgia, so
as to have become almost general, and is highly prized. Perhaps it may
answer in Tennessee and Kentucky. The greatest service which can
be rendered any country is, to add an useful plant to its culture;
especially a bread grain; next in value to bread is oil.

Whether the Act for the more general diffusion of knowledge will ever
be carried into complete effect, I know not. It was received, by the
legislature, with great enthusiasm at first; and a small effort was made
in 1796, by the act to establish public schools, to carry a part of it
into effect, viz. that for the establishment of free English schools;
but the option given to the courts has defeated the intention of the
Act.*

* It appears, from a blank space at the bottom of this
paper, that a continuation had been intended. Indeed, from
the loose manner in which the above notes are written, it
may be inferred that they were originally intended as
memoranda only, to be used in some more permanent form.

[NOTE H.]

Sir,

New York, October 13, 1789.

In the selection of characters to fill the important offices of
Government in the United States, I was naturally led to contemplate the
talents and dispositions which I knew you to possess and entertain for
the service of your country; and without being able to consult your
inclination, or to derive any knowledge of your intentions from your
letters, either to myself or to any other of your friends, I was
determined, as well by motives of private regard, as a conviction of
public propriety, to nominate you for the Department of State, which,
under its present organization, involves many of the most interesting
objects of the Executive authority.

But grateful as your acceptance of this commission would be to me, I
am, at the same time, desirous to accommodate your wishes, and I
have, therefore, forborne to nominate your successor at the court of
Versailles until I should be informed of your determination.

Being on the eve of a journey through the Eastern States, with a view
to observe the situation of the country, and in a hope of perfectly
re-establishing my health, which a series of indispositions has much
impaired, I have deemed it proper to make this communication of your
appointment, in order that you might lose no time, should it be your
wish to visit Virginia during the recess of Congress, which will
probably be the most convenient season, both as it may respect your
private concerns, and the public service.

Unwilling, as I am, to interfere in the direction of your choice of
assistants, I shall only take the liberty of observing to you, that,
from warm recommendations which I have received in behalf of Roger
Alden, Esq., Assistant Secretary to the late Congress, I have placed all
the papers thereunto belonging under his care. Those papers which more
properly appertain to the office of Foreign Affairs, are under the
superintendence of Mr. Jay, who has been so obliging as to continue his
good offices, and they are in the immediate charge of Mr. Remsen.

With sentiments of very great esteem and regard, I have the honor to be,
Sir,

Your most obedient servant,

George Washington.

The Honorable Thomas Jefferson.

I take the occasion to acknowledge the receipt of your several favors of
the 4th and 5th of December of the last, and 10th of May of the present
year, and to thank you for the communications therein. G. W.

New York, November 30, 1789.

Dear Sir,

You will perceive by the inclosed letter (which was left for you at the
office of Foreign Affairs when I made a journey to the Eastern States),
the motives, on which I acted with regard to yourself, and the occasion
of my explaining them at that early period.

Having now reason to hope, from Mr. Trumbull's report, that you will
be arrived at Norfolk before this time (on which event I would most
cordially congratulate you), and having a safe conveyance by Mr.
Griffin, I forward your commission to Virginia; with a request to
be made acquainted with your sentiments as soon as you shall find it
convenient to communicate them to me. With sentiments of very great
esteem and regard,

I am, dear Sir,

Your most obedient, humble servant,

George Washington.

The Honorable Thomas Jefferson.

*****

CORRESPONDENCE

LETTER I.--TO DR. WILLIAM SMALL, May 7, 1775

TO DR. WILLIAM SMALL.

May 7, 1775.

Dear Sir,

Within this week we have received the unhappy news of an action of
considerable magnitude, between the King's troops and our brethren of
Boston, in which, it is said, five hundred of the former, with the Earl
of Percy, are slain. That such an action has occurred, is undoubted,
though perhaps the circumstances may not have reached us with truth.
This accident has cut off our last hope of reconciliation, and a phrenzy
of revenge seems to have seized all ranks of people. It is a lamentable
circumstance, that the only mediatory power, acknowledged by both
parties, instead of leading to a reconciliation his divided people,
should pursue the incendiary purpose of still blowing up the flames, as
we find him constantly doing, in every speech and public declaration.
This may, perhaps, be intended to intimidate into acquiescence, but the
effect has been most unfortunately otherwise. A little knowledge
of human nature, and attention to its ordinary workings, might have
foreseen that the spirits of the people here were in a state, in which
they were more likely to be provoked, than frightened, by haughty
deportment. And to fill up the measure of irritation, a proscription of
individuals has been substituted in the room of just trial. Can it be
believed, that a grateful people will suffer those to be consigned to
execution, whose sole crime has been the developing and asserting their
rights? Had the Parliament possessed the power of reflection, they would
have avoided a measure as impotent, as it was inflammatory. When I saw
Lord Chatham's bill, I entertained high hope that a reconciliation could
have been brought about. The difference between his terms, and those
offered by our Congress, might have been accommodated, if entered on,
by both parties, with a disposition to accommodate. But the dignity of
Parliament, it seems, can brook no opposition to its power. Strange,
that a set of men, who have made sale of their virtue to the minister,
should yet talk of retaining dignity. But I am getting into politics,
though I sat down only to ask your acceptance of the wine: and express
my constant wishes for your happiness.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER II.--TO JOHN RANDOLPH, August 25,1775

TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ.,

Monticello,

August 25,1775.

Dear Sir,

I am sorry the situation of our country should render it not eligible to
you to remain longer in it. I hope the returning wisdom of Great Britain
will, ere long, put an end to this unnatural contest. There may be
people to whose tempers and dispositions contention is pleasing, and
who, therefore, wish a continuance of confusion; but to me it is of all
states but one, the most horrid: My first wish is a restoration of our
just rights; my second, a return of the happy period, when, consistently
with duty, I may withdraw myself totally from the public stage, and pass
the rest of my days in domestic ease and tranquillity, banishing every
desire of ever hearing what passes in the world. Perhaps, (for the
latter adds considerably to the warmth of the former wish,) looking
with fondness towards a reconciliation with Great Britain, I cannot help
hoping you may be able to contribute towards expediting this good work.
I think it must be evident to yourself, that the Ministry have been
deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what
purpose, I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American
opposition as that of a small faction, in which the body of the people
took little part. This, you can inform them, of your own knowledge, is
untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards,
and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and future
operations of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that head.
I wish they were thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every
circumstance relative to America, as it exists in truth. I am persuaded,
this would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation. Even those
in Parliament who are called friends to America, seem to know nothing
of our real determinations. I observe, they pronounced in the last
Parliament, that the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist rigorously
on the terms they held out, but kept something in reserve, to give up:
and, in fact, that they would give up every thing but the article of
taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm, and put
my honor to the assertion. Their continuance in this error may perhaps
produce very ill consequences. The Congress stated the lowest terms they
thought possible to be accepted, in order to convince the world they
were not unreasonable. They gave up the monopoly and regulation of
trade, and all acts of Parliament prior to 1764, leaving to British
generosity to render these, at some future time, as easy to America
as the interest of Britain would admit. But this was before blood was
spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to think, these terms would not
now be accepted. I wish no false sense of honor, no ignorance of our
real intentions, no vain hope that partial concessions of right will be
accepted, may induce the Ministry to trifle with accommodation, till
it shall be out of their power ever to accommodate. If, indeed, Great
Britain, disjoined from her colonies, be a match for the most potent
nations of Europe, with the colonies thrown into their scale, they
may go on securely. But if they are not assured of this, it would be
certainly unwise, by trying the event of another campaign, to risk our
accepting a foreign aid, which perhaps may not be obtainable but on
condition of everlasting avulsion from Great Britain. This would be
thought a hard condition to those who still wish for reunion with their
parent country. I am sincerely one of those, and would rather be in
dependence on Great Britain, properly limited, than on any nation upon
earth, or than on no nation. But I am one of those, too, who, rather
than submit to the rights of legislating for us, assumed by the British
Parliament, and which late experience has shown they will so cruelly
exercise, would lend my hand to sink the whole island in the ocean.

If undeceiving the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his
disposition, it will perhaps be in your power, by assisting to do
this, to render service to the whole empire at the most critical time,
certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue the
head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her original
station in the political scale of Europe, depends perhaps on the
resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise and
salutary for us all. I shall be glad to hear from you as often as
you may be disposed to think of things here. You may be at liberty, I
expect; to communicate some things, consistently with your honor and the
duties you will owe to a protecting nation. Such a communication among
individuals may be mutually beneficial to the contending parties.
On this or any future occasion, if I affirm to you any facts, your
knowledge of me will enable you to decide on their credibility; if I
hazard opinions on the dispositions of men or other speculative points,
you can only know they are my opinions. My best wishes for your felicity
attend you wherever you go; and believe me to be, assuredly,

Your friend and servant,

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER III.--TO JOHN RANDOLPH, November 29, 1775

TO JOHN RANDOLPH, ESQ..

Philadelphia,

November 29, 1775.

Dear Sir,

I am to give you the melancholy intelligence of the death of our most
worthy Speaker, which happened here on the 22nd of the last month. He
was struck with an apoplexy, and expired within five hours.

I have it in my power to acquaint you that the success of our arms has
corresponded with the justness of our cause. Chambly and St. Johns were
taken some weeks ago, and in them the whole regular army in Canada,
except about forty or fifty men. This day certain intelligence has
reached us that our General, Montgomery, is received into Montreal: and
we expect every hour to be informed that Quebec has opened its arms to
Colonel Arnold, who, with eleven hundred men, was sent from Boston up
the Kennebec, and down the Chaudiere river to that place. He expected
to be there early this month. Montreal acceded to us on the 13th, and
Carleton set out, with the shattered remains of his little army, for
Quebec, where we hope he will be taken up by Arnold. In a short time, we
have reason to hope, the delegates of Canada will join us in Congress,
and complete the American union as far as we wish to have it completed.
We hear that one of the British transports has arrived at Boston; the
rest are beating off the coast, in very bad weather. You will have
heard, before this reaches you, that Lord Dunmore has commenced
hostilities in Virginia. That people bore with every thing, till he
attempted to burn the town of Hampton. They opposed and repelled him,
with considerable loss on his side, and none on ours. It has raised our
countrymen into a perfect phrenzy. It is an immense misfortune to the
whole empire to have a King of such a disposition at such a time. We are
told, and every thing proves it true, that he is the bitterest enemy
we have. His Minister is able, and that satisfies me that ignorance, or
wickedness, somewhere, controls him. In an earlier part of this contest,
our petitions told him, that from our King there was but one appeal.
The admonition was despised, and that appeal forced on us. To undo his
empire, he has but one truth more to learn; that, after colonies have
drawn the sword, there is but one step more they can take. That step is
now pressed upon us by the measures adopted, as if they were afraid we
would not take it. Believe me, dear Sir, there is not in the British
empire a man who more cordially loves a union with Great Britain than I
do. But, by the God that made me, I will cease to exist before I yield
to a connection on such terms as the British Parliament propose; and
in this, I think I speak the sentiments of America. We want neither
inducement nor power to declare and assert a separation. It is will
alone which is wanting, and that is growing apace under the fostering
hand of our King. One bloody campaign will probably decide everlastingly
our future course; I am sorry to find a bloody campaign is decided on.
If our winds and waters should not combine to rescue their shores from
slavery, and General Howe's reinforcement should arrive in safety, we
have hopes he will be inspirited to come out of Boston and take another
drubbing: and we must drub him soundly before the sceptred tyrant will
know we are not mere brutes, to crouch under his hand, and kiss the rod
with which he deigns to scourge us.

Yours, &c.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER IV.--TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, August 13, 1777

TO DR. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PARIS.