William Hamilton Gibson - "Camp Life in the Woods and the Tricks of Trapping and Trap Making"

H. A. Cody - "Glen of the High North"

Baha'u'llah - "Epistle to the Son of the Wolf"

W.D. [William Dool] Killen - "The Ancient Church"

Various - The Philippine Islands, 1493 to 1898: Volume XXII, 1625 to 29

V >> Various >> The Philippine Islands, 1493 to 1898: Volume XXII, 1625 to 29




"Let us speak of the persecution which another pagan tono set in
motion against the Christians in his lands, adjacent to those of
Tacacu. They buried three of the martyrs whom the tono of Tacacu
had condemned, and three others were captured who were going there;
he ordered them to recant if they wished to save their lives, or
else they would be subjected to various torments, but these they
suffered rather than lose the life of the soul. Besides this, the
Japanese persecuted the Christians of that town, and others near
by, trying every means in their power to divert them from our holy
faith. Some of them were steadfast, and others wavered. The tono,
however, ordered them not to kill anyone then as a Christian, and this
order was obeyed--although two widows, named Maria, gave a noble [_word
illegible in MS_.] in order to show that they were more constant. They
insulted these women in many ways, putting them to shame; and
finally, as they were triumphant over every injury and torment,
they were set free. Then they hastened to the city of Nangasaqui,
the chief of Christian communities in Japon, where on August 16, 1627,
they arrested and burned alive father Fray Francisco de Santa Maria,
and the lay brother, Fray Bartholome, both Franciscans, together with
their servants and other men and women. Others they beheaded, among
whom the lot fell to a woman with three children, two of whom were
two years old and the other older. On the sixth of September of the
same year, they arrested and burned alive a Japanese father of Ours,
together with two chiefs, his servants. The governor and president
of that city was present at all these murders. He, in conformity
with his orders, tried to make all the Christian inhabitants recant,
without respect to age or estate, and to persuade them all to adopt
some one of the Japanese sects, making use of many ingenious artifices
for this purpose. Seeing that he could not effect his purpose, he
tried locking some of them in their houses, nailing up the doors,
and depriving them of all communication with relatives and friends, to
which end he set guards around them. Some weak-spirited persons obeyed
him; but the greater number, both chiefs and common people, resisted
him. The governor, seeing that so many resisted, as he had no orders
to take their lives, but only to send them as prisoners to the court,
sent those whom he thought best, and among them fifteen of the most
prominent persons. Fearing because some of these were persons of rank,
and had many relatives, and some of them were actually officials in
the same city, in order to prevent any revolt from arising he asked
the neighboring tonos for a large number of soldiers. A great many
of these came, who were lodged throughout the city; but, seeing that
there was no resistance he ordered them back to their fortresses,
and, the confessors being much rejoiced, he sent them prisoners to
the court. Others are kept in captivity until the arrival of a decree
from the court. Four distinguished families were exiled to Macan, with
four hundred and thirty of the common people, who were driven to the
neighboring mountains as a warning and intimidation to many others,
and all intercourse and communication with them was cut off. It was
ordered that no one should admit them to their houses. They were
commanded not to build huts, even for the infant children, to defend
them from the inclemencies of the weather. Guards were set over them
so that no one should grant them even a mat for their shelter, the
persecutors hoping by this means to bend them to their will. Although
the confessors of Christ undergo great suffering, they do so with joy
and invincible constancy. Others who were not banished were deprived
of their employment, to force them to abandon their resistance. Many
fled for this reason, leaving the most populous city in Japan almost
depopulated, although it still contains confessors who ennoble it. [67]

"On the twenty-ninth of July of this year (1627) they burned alive at
Omura, together with another who wished to accompany them, a Dominican
father and three domestics, who had been kept in close captivity since
the year 1626. This persecution was begun because, having confiscated
the property belonging to the Franciscan fathers in Nangasaqui,
they found a list in which those fathers enumerated the servants and
houses which each one possessed in the land of Omura; and because they
had sent a ship with a cargo of flour to Manila, in order to bring
religious to Japon on its return--although those of Omura were more
than twice advised by the religious of Nangasaqui to consider that it
was against the Japanese law, and that by so doing they were exposing
themselves and others to the risk of destruction, by furnishing pagans
and renegade Christians with a pretext to persecute them, especially
the religious at the port from which the ship sailed. Twenty-five of
the constant ones were murdered--of all ages, men and women--some
for having displayed their constancy, and others for admitting
religious into their houses. Among others who died by burning alive,
one, a good laboring woman, was especially distinguished, whom,
because she was discovered to have admitted religious to her house,
they exposed to public shame, taking her in this manner for more
than twenty leguas round about. Finally, she was burned alive, ever
displaying the most remarkable constancy. The same fortitude was shown
by three men, whom they buried up to their shoulders. Another who saw
some one being burned alive, displayed no less courage; for, filled
with fervor, he voluntarily plunged into the flames, where he was
entirely consumed. All these were martyred at Omura for their faith,
or for receiving religious into their houses. More than forty were
executed for sending the said ship, and even now the punishment is
not concluded. Thus that Christian community, one of the earliest in
Xapon, is greatly afflicted [_apparently some words missing in MS._]
in order that it may be preserved and aided.

"From the kingdom of Figen, they passed to that of Fingo. At Amacusa,
in Fingo, there was no general persecution, leaving the chiefs
and laborers, so that if it were conducted rigorously with all,
some would be found to be weak-spirited. However, they martyred one
man, who showed unusual constancy. At the end of this year 1627,
this Christian church had devoted one hundred and eight martyrs to
the Lord. In other parts of Japon the Christians and their ministers
were left in comparative quiet, so that in the year 1626 their ranks
were increased by more than two thousand converts who were baptized
by members of our Society, to say nothing of those who were baptized
by religious of other orders. We believe that in the year 27 there
will be a still greater number of converts in the kingdom of Oxu,
because in this kingdom (which is the farthest in Japan) many of the
people are well disposed. There are at present there four of Ours,
five Franciscans, and one Augustinian. May the Lord assist them there
in all Xapon, opening doors so long locked, through which many others
can enter."

This is the first relation. The second is a letter from the father
provincial of Xapon, Matheo de Couros, dated February 25, 1626. It
reads as follows: "The Xongu [i.e., shogun] lives with his queen,
obeyed and feared by all. There is no human hope of any change
here. All these kingdoms enjoy considerable peace during the tempest,
and Christianity only is persecuted with fire and sword. From others
you may have learned that the Franciscan fathers sent a ship to
the city of Manila. This has more than twice resulted in the total
destruction of Christian work in Omura; and its lord, although he
is a child, runs the risk that they will behead him (or at least
his governors), because the said ship was fitted out in one of his
ports. We do not know how this will end. On January 21, they arrested
Father Antonio of the Franciscan order at Nangasaqui. The embassy of
the Dutch had an unfortunate ending at the court of Xapon, because
it was known to be only a pretext. It is also said that one of the
great governors of Xapon remarked at court that it would be a great
injury to that kingdom, were it said that they welcomed in their
ports a people who came only to rob upon the high seas, and that it
was taken ill in foreign kingdoms."

In another letter, of November 28, 1627, it is said by Father Xacome
Antonio, after the departure of the galeotas, that "there is no
news from these countries; the persecution at Nangasaqui has ended,
because the presidents had all gone to the court, and so at present
there is comparative quiet. At first those who were banished to the
mountains were not allowed, under the penalty of burning, imposed by
the ministers of justice, to build any shelter from the inclemencies
of the weather; but afterward they were allowed to build huts of
straw. It was also granted that no minister of justice dwell among
them, which is a great blessing. The Christians who were sent to court
arrived there in safety; and although at the beginning they found no
one to welcome them the governors afterward ordered that houses be
given them. They are well accommodated in a monastery of bonzes, who,
beyond the kind treatment they accord them, are urging the governors to
accord to them, and to the other Christians at Nangasaqui, liberty of
conscience. The chief bonze of this monastery, a man of great authority
on account of his dignity, is pushing this negotiation. Besides this,
these same Christians presented a petition or memorial, asking the
governors at this court to intercede for them, and procure for them
such liberty at Nangasaqui as they had had in the days of the Daifu,
so that their inhabitants might live there as Christians. It was well
received, and they were given hopes of a favorable decision. The same
encouragement is given to all those who come to the court. Even the
heathen talk of it, and say that the permission will doubtless be
accorded. May the Lord grant it; for if it succeeds the whole country
in the neighborhood of Nangasaqui will remain in some peace."

In another of March 16, 1628, the same father, Xacome Antonio, says
that father Fray Juan de Ribera, of the Dominican order, while he was
returning from Manila to Xapon, was left on the Lechios [i.e., Riu-Kiu
Islands], where it is said that he was murdered in an attempt to rob
him, though the motive is not certainly known. Three of the same order
came last year to Japon, and when they were within sight of land, the
Chinese crews threw them overboard, on account of some superstitious
fear. It was known afterward, because on their return a sudden squall
struck the Chinese ship two leguas from Nangasaqui. The vessel was
wrecked and many lost, eight saving their lives by swimming. This
was a punishment for their sins, and for the large amount of silver
that they took from the said religious, which they say must amount
to two thousand sacks of treasure; [68] they took it on condition of
returning the same amount at their return from the voyage.

The last news we have from Xapon is as follows: There was a great
outbreak in the palace, in the emperor's anteroom, and a tono among
great governors of the kingdom was killed. The emperor came forth
at the noise, and, attempting to put his hand upon his sword, he was
foully stabbed in the abdomen, an example showing how skilled they are
in wielding arms. This death has caused much restlessness, and many
risings, which will not be crushed for a long time. The Indians of
the island of Hermosa sent ambassadors to the emperor of Xapon, asking
for assistance to help them expel the Dutch from that port where they
have their fortress. They were well received and help was offered to
them, and they were sent back with assurances of friendship. The Dutch
themselves were arrested in Xapon and their ships detained, because
they owed large sums and did not pay; and there was talk of expelling
them from the entire land of Xapon. Just then, unfortunately for us,
news arrived there of the Japanese ship that our galleons burned last
year on the bar of Sian, [69] whereupon the tables were turned; the
prospects of the Dutch improved, and ours grew worse. There was talk of
making an agreement with them, and even of raising an armada of Dutch
and Japanese, to proceed against our fort at the island of Hermosa
and even against Manila--a matter which does not fail to occasion
considerable anxiety, though it is not known how it will turn out.

We have had no news from the island of Hermosa, which keeps us in great
anxiety, because more than two hundred thousand pesos were sent there
from this city of Manila to be invested in Chinese silks. We do not
know what has been done with it, or whether the money has been lost,
an uncertainty which occasions anxiety to the merchants. In short,
these Philipinas Islands are at present in a ruinous condition, with
many powerful and triumphant enemies, our forces weakened, and our
people in dread of other large fleets. May the Lord remedy all this,
and assist with His divine favor, in the preservation of the faith
in these lands. Manila, July 18, 1629.

[A document of this same collection ("Papeles de los Jesuitas"), with
pressmark "Tomo 169 numero 2," is identical with the above relation,
except for slight verbal differences which do not change the sense
in any way. But at the end occurs the following additional letter:]

_Letter of Father Sebastian de Morais_

Since the letters carried by the little ship from India are lost, the
following was learned from another letter. On the octave of Espiritu
Santo, a sudden attack was made from Fayal Island to Tercera Island,
as a little ship from India, called "San Felipe," was making port
there. That ship left Cochin December 22, 1629, and reached Fayal
seven days after Pentecost. There it was met by an English ship
which mounted twenty-four pieces, many carrying balls of sixteen
libras. It had sixty musketeers, while our ship had only thirty
white men and twenty Indians, and mounted fourteen small pieces of
artillery. However we cut down the yard of the pirate's foremast with
the first volley. They fought one day and night. They killed our
master and two sailors, and our men killed the enemy's captain and
many of their men, while the ship was so hardly used that it would
have sunk but for the calking. Our ship bore down upon it; but another
pirate, of heavier burden, appeared within range. Consequently, our
ship retired to Fayal, where some ships from the island of Terceras
went to get it. They cast anchor at that point with great rejoicing,
our ship being quite like a sieve because of the balls that remained
sticking in its sides and upper works. Even that image of our patron
saint, St. Philip, had in it eighteen balls. The ship carries three
thousand five hundred quintals of pepper for the king, and a quantity
of merchandise. The ships of General Roque Senteno were going for it
[as convoy].

A fleet of forty sail had gone to Socotra against the enemy, with
volunteer forces, who were encouraged by the sight of a crucifix
which the enemy had insulted on a certain occasion. We had a glorious
victory over many galleys of the [king] of Achen, although our craft
were very inferior.








BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA


Most of the documents in this volume are obtained from MSS. in the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; their pressmarks are indicated
thus:

1. _Report of Spanish Council_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; consultas originales correspondientes a dicha Audiencia;
anos 1586 a 1636; est 67, caj. 6, leg. 1."

2. _Letter from Serrano_, 1625.--"Simancas--Eclesiastico; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes dei arzobispo de Manila vistos en
el Consejo; anos 1579 a 1679; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 32."

3. _Letter from Fernando de Silva_, 1625.--"Simancas-Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador de Filipinas vistos
en el Consejo; anos 1600 a 1628; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 7."

4. _Letter from Serrano_, 1626.--The same as No. 2.

5. _Letter from Fernando de Silva_, 1626.--The same as No. 3.

6. _Letter from sisters of St.Clare_.--"Simancas--Eclesiastico;
Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes de personas eclesiasticas
de Filipinas; anos 1609 a 1644; est. 68, caj. 1, leg. 43."

7. _Petition for aid to seminary_.--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia de
Filipinas; cartas y espedientes de personas seculares vistos en el
Consejo; anos de 1628 a 16[34?]; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 40."

8. _Royal decrees_, 1626.--(a) The first of these is in "Audiencia
de Filipinas; registro de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas a las
autoridades del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1597 a 1634; est. 105,
caj. 2, leg. 1." (b) The other two are taken from the Archivo Historico
Nacional, as noted below.

9. _Importance of Philippines_.--The same title as No. 7, but "anos
de 1565 a 1594; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 34." (Evidently misplaced.)

10. _Decrees regarding religious_.--(a) The same as No. 8 (a). (b)
Also in the Sevilla archives; but we have followed Pastells's text
in his edition of Colin (t. iii, pp. 760, 761). (c) The same as No. 1.

11. _Inadvisability of occupying Formosa_.--Simancas--Secular;
Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del presidente y oidores
de dicha Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1607 a 1626; est. 67,
caj. 6, leg. 20."

12. _Report of appointments_.--The same as No. 3.

13. _Letters from Tavora_, 1628.--The same as No. 3.

14. _Reasons for suppressing silk trade_.--The same as No. 7.

The following documents are obtained from the "Cedulario Indico"
of the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

8 (see No. 8, _ante_).--(b) "Tomo 39, fol. 185," and "Tomo 32,
fol. 16," respectively.

15. _Letter from king to Tavora_.--"Tomo 40, fol. 56 verso, no. 69."

16. _Decrees regarding Chinese_, 1627.--"Tomo 39, fol. 87, and fol. 186
verso," respectively.

17. _Decrees regarding Chinese_, 1628-29.--"Tomo 39, fol. 188 verso,
fol. 189 verso, and 190 verso," respectively.

The following document is obtained from MSS. in the collection
"Papeles de las Jesuitas," in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid:

18. _Relations of 1628-29_--"Tomo 169, no. 3," and "Tomo 84,
no. 13."

The following document is taken from a MS. in the British Museum:

19. _Military affairs of the islands_.--In a collection of papers
entitled "Tratados Historicos, 1594-1639;" pressmark,
"(693. h. 17) / 65."

The following document is taken from Pastells's edition of Colin's
_Labor evangelica_:

20. _Royal decree aiding Jesuits_, 1625.--In vol. iii, pp. 754, 755,
(See also No. 10, _ante_.)

The following documents are taken from the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer
library):

21. _Relation of 1626_.--In vol i, pp. 523-545.

22. _Relation of 1627-28._--In vol. i, pp. 551-615.

The following document is taken from _Recopilacion de leyes de las
Indias_.

23. _Laws regarding the Sangleys_.--In lib. vi, tit. xviii.

The following document is found in a pamphlet entitled _Toros y canas_
(Barcelona, 1903), in which is printed a hitherto unpublished original
MS. in possession of the Compania General de Tabacos de Filipinas.

24. _Royal festivities at Manila_--pp. 9-25.






NOTES

[1] Our transcript reads "reals," but both in this and in other
instances in the present document, this is evidently an error of
transcription for "ducados." It would be very easy for the error to
arise from the extremely bad handwriting of many Spanish documents,
in which the Spanish abbreviations for the two above terms might
bear a close similarity. "Ducados" is used later in the document,
when speaking of similar instances.

[2] These expeditions against the Mediterranean Moors were undertaken
because of their continual depredations on Spanish commerce and near
Spanish coasts. In 1602 Spain and Persia united against Turkey, and in
1603 the marquis of Santa Cruz, with the Neapolitan galleys, attacked,
and plundered Crete and other Turkish islands. Many operations were
conducted against the Moorish states of north Africa, but no effective
check was applied to their piratical expeditions. See Hume's _Spain_,
p. 210.

[3] Spain has never recovered from the expulsion of the thrifty
Moriscos, who were the descendants of the old Moors. The edict of
expulsion against the Valencian Moriscos was issued on September 22,
1609, by the viceroy Caracena. Its political excuse was negotiations
between the Moriscos and English to effect a rising against Felipe
III. "With the exception of six of the 'oldest and most Christian'
Moriscos in each village of a hundred souls, who were to remain and
teach their successors their modes of cultivation, every man and
woman of them were to be shipped within three days for Barbary on
pain of death, carrying with them only such portable property as
they themselves could bear." In six months one hundred and fifty
thousand Moriscos were driven from Spain. In the winter of 1609-10
the Moriscos were also expelled from Aragon, Murcia, Andalucia,
and Cataluna, and other places. See Hume's _Spain_, pp. 210-213.

[4] Referring to the claim of Isabella, eldest daughter of Felipe II,
to the province of Bretagne (or Brittany), in France, as an inheritance
in right of her mother, since the Salic law was inoperative in that
province.

[5] Francisco Crespo, S.J., was born at Ubeda, and entered the Jesuit
order in 1598, at the age of fifteen. He preached for ten years
and resided for some years at the court of Spain, in the capacity of
procurator of the missions of the Indias. He died at Madrid, September
25, 1665. He was the author of two relations and the memorial mentioned
in the decree. See Sommervogel's _Bibliotheque Comp. de Jesus_.

[6] This was Rodrigo Pacheco y Osorio, marques de Cerralvo,
the successor of Gelves (_Vol_. XX, p. 127). He reached Mexico in
October, 1624, vindicated his predecessor in the public estimation,
and quieted the disturbances in the country. He fortified Vera Cruz
and Acapulco, to protect them against the Dutch, whose ships cruised
in both oceans. Cerralvo was an energetic and able ruler, who did
much for the welfare of his people. He held the viceroyalty until
September, 1635, when he returned to Spain, and was given a place in
the Council of the Indias.

[7] These festivities celebrated the accession to the throne of
Felipe IV. Although they occurred in 1623, this account is placed
here because written August 1, 1625.

[8] A reference to the celebrated university of Salamanca, and used
synonymously with learning or skill.

[9] _El Gran Capitan_: an epithet applied to Gonsalvo de Cordova,
commander-in-chief of the Spanish forces under Ferdinand of Castile,
in recognition of his services in 1495-96 against the French armies in
Calabria, Italy--defeating them there and elsewhere, and compelling
them to withdraw from Italy. A treaty of peace between France
and Spain was the result; it was signed at Marcoussis in August,
1498. The Neapolitan kingdom was divided between France and Spain
in November, 1500; but quarrels soon arose between them, and their
armies fought for its possession. Under the leadership of Cordova,
Naples was conquered for Spain (1502-04). Cordova was born in 1453,
and died in December, 1515.

[10] Evidently an allusion to the procession made at Manila, on
certain occasions, in which the banner of the city was carried before
the cabildo--to which allusions have been already made in various
documents of this series.

[11] A kind of lance or spear, used by bull-fighters.

[12] The game of canas was an equestrian sport engaged in by the
nobility on the occasion of any special celebration. They formed
various figures, which engaged in various contests. One side charged
against the other, hurling their spears, from which their opponents
guarded themselves with their shields.

[13] In olden times, empirical healers or physicians cured with this
stone the pain or sickness called colic--_hijada_, as it was then
written, now _ijada_.--_Rev. Eduardo Navarro_, O.S.A.

_Piedra de mal de hijada_: from the description, apparently made of
some brilliant crystalline substance.

[14] In the Jesuit relation of 1619-20 (see _Vol_. XIX, p. 61),
mention is made of a bull-fight in terms that would indicate that they
had already become established in the islands. This fight of 1619
is evidently the one to which W. E. Retana refers in his _Fiestas
de toros en Filipinas_ (Madrid, 1896). Huerta (_Estado_, p. 17),
incorrectly states that the first bull-fight in the islands was on
February 4, 1630. But Chirino mentions these spectacles (_Vol_. XII
of this series, p. 182) as customary in both Manila and Cebu at least
as early as 1602, which was the year in which he left the islands.

[15] A letter from the king to Governor Tavora, dated November 21,
1625, refers to the latter the question of further attempts to work
the Igorrote gold-mines. Reference is made therein to the report of
Alonso Martin Quirante on these mines; and the cost or his expedition
thither is stated as forty thousand pesos.

Copyright (c) 2007. topmasterworks.com. All rights reserved.